“It wasn’t always like this” – Christopher Lasch on how America went wrong

Many of us in the USA believe that our country has lost much of the strength and virtue which it once had. We see an America that isn’t working the way it should. And we know that corruption, incompetence, and division are on the rise. I was born in 1962. For anyone my age or older, it should be clear that the nation has culturally and socially declined in our lifetimes. The roots of this decline stretch back far into the twentieth century.

In the 1990s, historian and sociologist Christopher Lasch presented a diagnosis of what had gone wrong. While he is right in many of his conclusions, and accurately describes much of what happened, I believe that he misses some of the reasons for America’s decline. But despite any shortcomings, he is well worth reading.

Lasch sadly died too young, in 1994, at the age of sixty-one. In his last book, The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy, which was published the year after his death, he warned that Americans in higher social positions had developed a contempt for their own nation, and for fellow citizens. These so-called “elites” isolated themselves from the rest of us, praised themselves as more enlightened “Citizens of the World,” and merged into the group that is today called the globalists. They especially despised middle- and working-class Americans.

In his introduction to Revolt of the Elites, Lasch noted several concerns that non-elite Americans had at the time, including the loss of industry and associated jobs, threats to the middle class, rising crime, and declining cities. [1] Sound familiar? It should. And remember, Lasch wrote this in 1994. America still has many good people, but the qualities that made America healthy are still under threat. We, today, could add to Lasch’s list of concerns: uncontrolled immigration, Woke, declining education, family breakdown, social disorder, institutional corruption, an upper class that is hoarding more and more of America’s wealth, and last but not least, a demoralizing war on beauty.

Since Lasch’s day, Americans have also been dissatisfied with the state of politics and government. Neither major American political party has adequately addressed our urgent problems. Lasch ascribes this to the increased isolation of American elites. This isolation has ensured that powerful people don’t suffer from the results of their many failed policies. [2] This has been a relatively recent development in American history. It’s very important for us to understand that, as a group, our elites were not always as unmoored and hostile to the rest of us as they are now. Lasch describes how the wealthy in America once commonly had a strong sense of noblesse oblige—a belief that they were responsible for acting generously, benevolently and honorably towards people in other, less fortunate classes. As a result, “Libraries, museums, parks, orchestras, universities, hospitals, and other civic amenities stood as so many monuments to upper-class munificence.” [3]

Carnegie Library in Xenia, Ohio. Industrialist Andrew Carnegie funded the construction of many public libraries in small and large cities

The new “elites,” for want of a better word, are a very different breed. They partially developed out of a system of “mobility of capital and the emergence of a global market.” This economic system arose in the last quarter of the twentieth century. The new elites also have taken advantage of a recently-developed system of educational credentials, acquired from approved schools such as the Ivy League universities. This credentialism that has become so consequential is associated with so-called Progressive ideology, which gained a foothold in America by the early twentieth century. Among the new elites, noblesse oblige has disappeared. These successors to the Henry Fords of old include business and NGO managers, media figures, government bureaucrats, the education establishment, tech leaders and workers, and others who “produce and manipulate information.” They are not nearly as closely tied to local communities and the nation as a whole as the earlier elites were. They are the “Anywheres” which David Goodhart described, as opposed to the “Somewheres” who are still conservative and rooted in a place. Lasch notes, “It is a question whether they think of themselves as Americans at all. Patriotism, certainly, does not rank very high in their hierarchy of virtues. ‘Multiculturalism,’ on the other hand, suits them to perfection.” [4] This new class has tried to change the meaning of the word “democracy” for its own benefit, and to favour certain social classes which have supposedly been treated unfairly. According to Lasch, for the new elites, democracy means a “therapeutic state” which promotes “self-esteem.” [5]

In Revolt of the Elites, Lasch expressed appreciation for the American Founding Fathers, and the civic and social life of America that flourished well into the nineteenth century. Our Civil War was a terrible rupture, of course. But although antebellum politicians obviously failed to find a peaceful resolution before that war erupted at Fort Sumter, many of them had tried diligently, using political channels that worked well in earlier decades, and would again work well after the war, until the new elites rose to domination.

Lasch carefully studied and understood the earlier, sometimes novel American ideas of democracy. He appreciated how the American republic and its democratic elements, based on the founding documents, rule of law, and separation of powers, provided ways for people of all social classes to thrive and earn respect. Nineteenth century Americans tended to have a very different understanding of American democracy than the ideologues who refer to “our democracy” today. While Federalists and Whigs warned of the dangers of the mob, those who approved of the expansion of democracy stressed the need for a cohesive society with wide, active participation, and warned of the dangers that would arise from a widening gap between the rich and the poor. They emphasized the value of a high proportion of men participating in a trade or owning and managing property, which would foster qualities necessary for a healthy democracy, such as self-reliance and responsibility:

Democracy works best when men and women do things for themselves, with the help of their friends and neighbors, instead of depending on the state. Not that democracy should be equated with rugged individualism. Self-reliance does not mean self-sufficiency. Self-governing communities, not individuals, are the basic units of democratic society. [6]

While individualism was often emphasized in America, it was balanced, from America’s beginnings, by the activities of religious and other voluntary organizations, which provided assistance to those in need, strengthened social bonds, and promoted cultural pursuits. The decline of these organizations is now attested by many empty churches, and countless other empty, crumbling buildings in small towns and cities, which once housed thriving community groups such as the Grange, the Odd Fellows, and the Lyceum.

A former Odd Fellows Hall, in rural Ohio

The role of “experts”

Along with globalized economics, Lasch assigns blame for America’s decline on the rise of “experts,” and an unquestioning trust in “science” to solve all problems. This process accelerated in the late-nineteenth century, as American intellectuals looked to Europe for new ideas. Among the results in government were a professionalized bureaucracy, which continually grew and changed in unforeseen directions, and a growing reliance on educated experts for developing policies. This new system of the American “Progressives” showed its fallibility by the 1930s, with policies that prolonged the Great Depression. “The Best and the Brightest” also showed their short-sightedness in the 1960s, with the development of the welfare state, the direction of the Vietnam War, and other policies which ruined American cities. As we saw later with Covid in 2020, and the “climate change” hysteria of the last few decades, scientists and other experts have continued to be wrong in many cases. True science knows its limits, and always encourages professional argument and rational criticism. In order to offer convincing evidence, it must show that the results of a scientific experiment can be duplicated. This is very different from today’s “scientism” delusion, which is prevalent among many persons who believe that they are well-educated. Another difference from the days before the “Progressive Era” is that, in recent years, many in the expert classes have not been anchored in the Christian, Western morality which served America so well. Traditional Christian, Western morality taught that there are limits to the understanding and capability of science and knowledge. Without this, a blinding arrogance has developed among the new elites. And Lasch emphasized that this arrogance is very different from the pride of earlier aristocrats, which was based on “the inheritance of an ancient lineage and on the obligation to defend its honor.” Knightly ideals and qualities are a thing of the past. [7]

Lasch also criticizes the ideal of a “meritocracy.” He argues that, paradoxically, this tends to encourage an upper class to become more entrenched, rather than providing truly fluid social mobility. This happens by allowing capable persons from lower classes to rise who, in the process, develop allegiance or obligation to the established upper class. And the lower classes lose effective leaders. I’m not sure that I am completely convinced by Lasch’s argument here, but it is food for thought. Lasch does provide plenty of evidence for what Charles Haywood describes, in another review of Revolt of the Elites: “Until quite recently, in fact, the American ideal was not rising up through the class structure, but succeeding within one’s own community and frame.” [8] Lasch also specified that this ideal insisted upon opportunities for full citizenship, and for participating and mixing with others in the broad society. [9]

A Young Carpenter, ca. 1850 (Chrysler Museum of Art)

The republican system which America’s founders and their adherents established provided the means for many humble people to live productive lives. It didn’t necessarily enable everyone to become a tycoon or to get rich quick, but it did offer a share of social respect to any citizen who acted responsibly. Nineteenth-century workers, farmers and craftsmen considered this kind of respect to be their due. They weren’t interested in a social revolution that would overthrow the wealthy. Compared with the rest of the world, a high proportion of working-class and middle-class persons participated in the civil aspects of the American system. Those in other classes also benefited from this system.

Lasch rightly lamented the loss of these civil aspects of America. He claims that the rise of wage labor and large corporations, along with the dwindling of more independent workers, were among the reasons for this change. There was also the growth of the new, more isolated elite classes who lacked solidarity with the less wealthy. Among the Progressives of the early twentieth century, an attitude arose that “most political questions were too complex” for the public. [10] In more recent decades, prominent politicians have denounced the supposedly benighted “deplorables” and “bitter clingers” of the middle and working classes – those who have earned responsibility and respect but are shut out from the workings of the current system, and sometimes even denied full freedoms in a system of anarcho-tyranny.

The decline of journalism and debate

From 1830 to 1900, political participation was much higher in America than today. And there was a thriving press which contributed mightily to public debates, unlike our later mainstream media. Newspapers were “fiercely partisan,” as Lasch described. Many papers tended to advocate for one political party or another. Some refused to be in the thrall of any party. Many cities and towns offered multiple papers which offered views in opposition to each other. Despite the recent development of the so-called “Information Age,” Lasch claims frankly that by the late twentieth century, voters tended to be much less well-informed than before. This was a result of a discouraging of open debate that developed, and a transformation of journalists into a more credentialed “profession.”

Throughout the nineteenth century, Americans eagerly attended political speeches and debates. These occurred frequently throughout the country, and focused on topics of local, state, and national importance. The series of Lincoln-Douglas debates was just one famous example. Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas spoke very frankly compared with today’s politicians, who are surrounded by consultants and PR managers. Those earlier debates often occurred directly between the opposing politicians, without journalists intruding as intermediaries, as we usually see today. Such journalists tend to assert their own agendas into the debate, often disregarding public concerns. [11] Lasch highlighted the necessity of “sustained public debate” as a remedy for the avalanche of “junk mail” media to which we have been subjected since the late twentieth century. [12]

Let’s also remember the whining by American deep-state apologists during the past decade about what they called misinformation and disinformation. Of course false information exists, but this recent effort was a coordinated targeting of information that was truthful and did not fit the narrative of the regime. This effort was completely opposed to what Lasch called “sustained public debate.” It was a contempt for the public, exhibited by Biden administration officials and several members of the media. They actively tried to shut down free discussion online. Both major parties have been guilty of media manipulation, but the aforementioned campaign was an especially aggressive example, using government agencies to impose censorship.

This didn’t only happen in the USA. During Covid-19 in New Zealand, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern insisted that the only true source of information for the public would be the government. “We will continue to be your single source of truth,” she stated. And she emphasized, “Otherwise, dismiss anything else.” This was during a time when, throughout the West, we were repeatedly misled and lied to by government officials and media. During her reign, Ardern and her government inflicted a drastic lockdown on New Zealand, which included human rights violations and significant economic damage. She admitted openly that there would be “two classes of people” in the country, the vaccinated and unvaccinated. We are steadily learning how very harmful the lockdowns and other Covid policies were to our societies. As one alternative media figure put it, this was “weaponized, phony niceness.” It was also totalitarian and rooted in unreality. [13]

This leads me to a positive note. One thing has improved in my lifetime: the opening up of political discussion beyond the limits that were strictly enforced for decades by the mainstream media and their controllers. The Internet has allowed much more free discussion – a very welcome widening of the Overton Window. Elon Musk’s X has played a role in this, along with the ability for anyone – such as your humble author – to post their musings on a variety of Internet platforms. It’s a bit like a return to the wild and woolly days of nineteenth-century newspapers, although not quite. It certainly has allowed for more sources of information. Thoughtful, substantial arguments for a variety of perspectives can be found, when one ignores the vituperation, lies and vast amounts of other noise.

Race relations and cities

Revolt of the Elites offers a good, succinct summary of what went wrong with race relations in the 1960s. Lasch highlights how communities were destroyed by radical civil rights activism and related government actions. Much of this was also caused by social engineering that was pushed by the new elites. Lasch might have retained some naïveté about the civil rights movement, yet he saw through the platitudes of extreme activists who demanded equality at all costs, equality of results, and more. He specifically blames social engineering for

“a rapid deterioration of race relations….busing, affirmative action, and open housing threatened the ethnic solidarity of neighborhoods and drove lower-middle-class whites into opposition. In the face of their resistance, liberals ‘reacted with self-righteous indignation,’ in [Jim] Sleeper’s words.  Black militants encouraged racial polarization and demanded a new politics of ‘collective grievance and entitlement’…Liberals and other leftists also insisted on lowering or removing standards in schools and other institutions, claiming that standards were racist. White leftists praised black culture for having “an expressive, sexually liberated way of life free of bourgeois inhibitions.” [14]

In recent years, Christopher Caldwell has added to Lasch’s analysis by describing the harmful effects of civil rights legislation on our legal system and society in general, including its subversion of our constitution. [15] While the civil rights movement was active, many white Americans understandably wanted fairness for all, but much of what happened with civil rights was something different.

Social engineering had other dire impacts. One of the most striking signs of America’s decline is the current state of its cities, which were profoundly harmed by government policy and the influence of powerful private foundations. As suggested above, this was a set of “misguided policies intended to break up ethnic neighborhoods that allegedly [stood] in the way of racial integration.” Revolt of the Elites doesn’t mention it much, but increasing urban crime also played a large role in forcing whites to migrate to the suburbs. I can remember from my own lifetime when our cities were safer than they are today. Commentators such as Thomas Sowell have documented this decline.

There have been slums and a degree of urban crime for millennia. But American cities generally went from thriving social and cultural centers to, in many cases, places that many normal citizens try to avoid. Lasch does mention how the tax base of cities was eroded by white flight and the loss of industry, and he emphasizes the very valuable role that city neighborhoods once played in the lives of humble citizens. Much of that neighborhood cohesiveness is gone. [16] In my own city, neighborhoods that once were safe and tended to have cohesive Polish, Italian or German populations are now dangerous wastelands.

Decline of personal character

One theme which continues to run through Lasch’s book is the nature of respect and self-respect. We’ve already looked at how American workers, farmers, and craftsmen claimed the opportunity to earn a respectable place in society. This is of course related to self-respect. Lasch goes against the grain of many recent intellectuals by insisting that respect and self-respect must be earned through moral achievement and character. I’ll venture to say that almost all Americans would have agreed with Lasch about this, before modern psychological and teaching theories took effect. [17]

In his chapter, “The Abolition of Shame,” Lasch explores in detail some psychological theories of human shame, and some strategies recommended by psychologists for coping with it. Lasch reveals his concern about a very destructive development: how shamelessness has become widely predominant in our culture. [18] This growing attitude resulted from the increased influence of politicized psychiatrists and psychologists, and the declining influence of Christianity. Lasch reviews how Freudian revisionists in the 1930s began to insist that American society as a whole was in need of psychiatric treatment. With some variation, this general approach of attempting to transform our society has continued to be very influential. [19] Related to the attack by psychologists on human shame was a large push in the 1990s to promote “self-esteem.” Lasch describes how the recently deceased feminist Gloria Steinem got involved in an effort to mix liberal politics with psychotherapy. Steinem’s ideas were implemented as policy in some states. [20]

Higher education, culture, society, and trust

In a chapter on higher education, Lasch bent over backwards trying to be even-handed, in answering concerns about political correctness. He believed that the biggest problem in academia was the growing influence of corporations. That has certainly been a destructive force, eroding the traditional academic model. But while Lasch also criticized far-left ideologues who were becoming very influential in faculty departments, he underestimated the extent of the PC problem, and how pervasively it would subvert and eventually dominate higher education. Since the 1980s, far-left ideology has taken over vast swathes of college faculties and administrations throughout the country. Not only has this resulted in a widespread emphasis on leftist indoctrination of students, but it has also contributed to the lowering of academic standards, and has promoted policies such as DEI. As many other commentators have noticed, the woke tail wagged the corporate dog in many cases. Very significantly, far-left ideas that became prominent in higher education have been embraced throughout the primary and secondary educational systems, and in Human Resources departments, all across America.

Lasch also does not discuss some major influences on American culture and society in the twentieth century such as Alfred Kinsey’s books on sexual behaviour, the 1950 collaborative book The Authoritarian Personality, and Herbert Marcuse and other figures of the New Left. Lasch was very troubled by the breakdown of the traditional family, but in my opinion he did not explore this as thoroughly as he should in Revolt of the Elites – although he did explore threats to the Western nuclear family in another book, Haven in a Heartless World: The Family Besieged.

He also did not delve as much into the loss of social trust as I would have liked. America, along with other Western nations, once had a relatively high-trust society. In many places, we could leave our doors unlocked all the time. We could prop up our unlocked bicycles outside a store, while we went shopping. At a farm stand, we could deposit money in an untended box, to pay for farm produce. And parents could allow their children to play outside unsupervised, without much worry. Such elements of a high-trust society are disappearing. Much of this is a result of increased cultural diversity, which inevitably lowers trust, as the liberal social scientist Robert Putnam finally admitted. Lasch touched on some of the problems of diversity, and mentioned that the market and the welfare state tend to weaken “ties of trust,” [21] but he did not focus on this process.

Cleveland shoppers, 1940 (Ohio History Connection)

Other perspectives

Historian Claes Ryn agreed with Lasch to an extent. In a 2023 interview he said, “The most telling illustration of America’s fraught condition is the inability or refusal of our dominant, trend-setting elites to recognize and act on reality.” He also agreed that there was a major transformation of America in the twentieth century. [22] Yet, back in 1993, anticipating the populism that Lasch favored in Revolt of the Elites, Ryn offered the following warning….

“…[I]t would be a great mistake, especially in our disoriented era, to look to ‘the people’ for sources of purity and social unity. Populism is only another form of escape from the real problem, which is that Western civilization as a whole is disintegrating at the moral center. The people in general may today be less obviously corrupt than the elites in some respects, but that is not because of some natural propensity to virtue greater than that of elites. The mass is just slower to change and lags behind the more daring and creative elites. The people seem culturally conservative today only in comparison with more adventurous leaders. If the mass of common men have such sound instincts, who is digesting all those television programs, movies, records, musicals, and novels? Who is paying all those college and university faculty and electing and reelecting all those congressmen?… John Adams was more representative of early American political thought than Jefferson when he said that the people can be as tyrannical as any king.” [23]

While I agree somewhat with Lasch that “Populism is the authentic voice of democracy,” [24] Ryn expresses some important truths here. It’s undeniable that today’s masses have fallen under the spell of bread and circuses. The whole nature of “the People” has changed since the American founding. John Adams, in 1798, made another applicable remark: “Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.” [25]

In the 1960s an American scholar, Eugene Rose, studied the decline of the West. He found that our culture, society, and politics had become ill with a deep-seated Nihilism. Having read widely in history, philosophy and religion, Rose believed that elements of this civilizational illness were unprecedented, such as the extent of religious unbelief combined with an unhealthy restlessness, which had grown to “a scale so vast as to be almost universal.” Rose found that: “Toward the end of the nineteenth century increasing numbers of quite ordinary men had begun that restless search – so much a part of our own contemporary scenes – to find a substitute for the God Who was dead in their hearts.” [26]

Rose described four stages of Nihilism that have been especially active in the West since the French Revolution. He called these stages Liberalism, Realism, Vitalism, and the Nihilism of Destruction. They have worked together in a dialectical way, opposing but also embracing each other, to propel the West further into decline and destruction. The cause of these nihilistic developments is the denial of absolute truth.

As he was examining the West’s decline, Eugene Rose found solace and personal healing in the Russian Orthodox Church, and he became a monk. He was given the title of Father Seraphim Rose, and his writings have become influential since his early death in 1982. Christopher Lasch probably would have agreed with at least some of Rose’s diagnosis. For me, Rose provides a more complete and satisfying analysis, but Lasch’s work adds a lot of very important details, specific to developments in America.

Father Seraphim Rose (St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood)

I was surprised that Lasch did not cite James Burnham in Revolt of the Elites. Burnham wrote The Managerial Revolution (1941) and Suicide of the West (1964), which examined and sharply criticized America’s emerging, increasingly dominant managerial classes of the 20th century. Burnham became influential in some American intellectual circles, and his diagnoses are still frequently studied. But, we can’t have everything. Lasch gave us some important, clear insights into how the powers-that-be in America have steered us wrong.

An independent mind

My wife grew up in another country, and I have lost count of the number of times that I’ve told her, “It wasn’t always like this!” I resist looking at the past with rose-colored glasses, but it’s undeniable that we have lost a tremendous amount that was good in America. Zoomers today are often understandably shocked when viewing photographs and documentary film footage of Americans in the past. They see evidence of a safer, more cohesive society, with well-dressed people of all classes showing self-respect and respect for others. Our past wasn’t a utopia, but it offered much that was healthy and good. Lasch would understand.

Lasch leaned politically leftwards during much of his career, but in Revolt of the Elites he said many things which today’s leftists would label “far-right.” His general remedy for America was “to emphasize responsibility rather than rights,” to tame both capitalism and the welfare system, to strengthen community, and to prevent “a centralized state bureaucracy.” [27] He also urged a commitment to past and future generations, and quoted Horace Mann in this regard: “The successive generations of men, taken collectively, constitute one great commonwealth.” [28]

Earlier in his academic career, Lasch used some Marxist approaches in his thought and study. His “paleoconservative” academic friend Paul Gottfried claimed that he was devoted to “a non-mainstream form of socialism.” He had a

lifelong hatred of consumer capitalism…. His project was to find a religiously based communitarianism that could serve as an alternative to multinational capitalism. This communal identity would focus on service to one’s family and neighbors, and it would supposedly take everyone’s mind off consumption and the false idea of “Progress.” He also “personified an old-fashioned Presbyterian way of life. [29]

Lasch angered people on the Left and the Right. Pundits argue about where he really stood on the political spectrum. Anyway, as I’ve written elsewhere, you’re often not doing your job if you don’t make someone angry. Lasch was criticized for inconsistency, but I think that some of the anger directed against him was because he was good at bursting people’s bubbles. Original, independent thinkers like him aren’t completely cast in an ideological mold.

In his scholarship, Lasch studied many thinkers who are not commonly cited by either the Left or the Right today. He examined the ideas of some who were widely known during their lifetimes, such as William Henry Channing, Horace Mann, Daniel Webster, Abraham Lincoln, and Orestes Brownson. He also offered the perspectives of many others who have been less known, including Robert Rantoul, Jr., Charles Ingersoll, David Ramsay, R. H. Tawney, and Michael Young. All of them still have useful, interesting things to say to us – and I hope I’ve shown that Lasch does also.

NOTES

[1] Lasch, Christopher, The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1995, p.3

[2] Ibid., pp. 3-4

[3] Ibid., 4

[4] Ibid., pp. 5-6, 80

[5] Ibid., pp. 6-7

[6] Ibid., pp. 7-8

[7] Ibid., p. 39

[8] Haywood, Charles, “The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy (Christopher Lasch),” Sept. 7, 2021, https://theworthyhouse.com/2021/09/07/the-revolt-of-the-elites-and-the-betrayal-of-democracy-christopher-lasch/

[9] Revolt of the Elites, p. 58

[10] Ibid., p. 167; see also the writings of Sam Francis

[11] Ibid., pp. 162, 164-65

[12] Ibid., pp. 173-74

[13] “Jacinda Ardern’s COVID response created ‘two classes of people’”, Sky News Australia, YouTube, Jan. 22, 2023, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KyoJUhZLmDI

[14] Revolt of the Elites, p. 136

[15] Caldwell, Christopher, The Age of Entitlement, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2020

[16] Revolt of the Elites, pp. 8-9, 98-99, 118-19

[17] Ibid., pp. 89, 105, 206-7

[18] Ibid., pp. 204

[19] Ibid., p. 207

[20] Ibid., 208-10

[21] Ibid., p. 102

[22] Ryn, Claes, in “”The Failure of Conservatism and the Road Not Taken” — A conversation with Claes Ryn,” Michael Vlahos Channel, YouTube, May 8, 2023, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1JVlF6lCqxI

[23] Ryn, Claes, “Cultural Diversity and Unity,” Chronicles, June 1993 (reprinted June 7, 2018), https://chroniclesmagazine.org/web/cultural-diversity-and-unity/

[24] Revolt of the Elites, p. 106

[25] Adams, John, Letter to the Officers of the 1st Brigade of the 3rd Division of the Massachusetts Militia, Oct. 11, 1798

[26] Rose, Eugene (Father Seraphim), Nihilism: The Root of the Revolution of the Modern Age, St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 1994

[27] Revolt of the Elites, p. 113

[28] Revolt of the Elites, p. 146, from Horace Mann, Annual Report of the Board of Education (Massachusetts), X, 127

[29] Gottfried, Paul, “Voices Against Progress: What I Learned from Genovese, Lasch, and Bradford,” Front Porch Republic, Aug. 11, 2009, https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2009/08/voices-against-progress-what-i-learned-from-genovese-lasch-and-bradford/

Tuscan journal

(Monday). It is like coming home but not. New Fences, benches and fittings but same pink and orange dusk as the warm light disappears.

It is early in the season. So early that the pool is not ready for use and the grass is still rich green.

The effort to travel increases. What to select, what to leave behind, how to reassure myself that it will all be OK.

Family dynamics are weird, the ebb and flow of love and cynicism, rudeness and shared memories. We dip bread into oil for supper, with a glass of homemade wine. We should have asked for cheese.

(Tuesday)

At five o’clock it is cool but already bright. The windows are wide open and the air rushes in. Breakfast is late and makeshift: bread and oil again, melon slices, cups of tea.

We are going shopping at Hypercoop. It is not as fascinating or different as it once was but there is cheap wine and good olives, cheeses and bread. A big gluten-free section too.

•

Everything is now still. The sun overhead is not moving, shadows are crisp and defined. I try painting through the shutters but the stripes of colour do not work. In a moment I will hook the shutters back whilst everybody else is asleep.

•

Watching the sun go down. Blue, purple, grey. Flecks of orange, white. Trails of car lights across the valley. A dog barks, a bat flies by.

•

That feeling of being abroad but not doing anything. Apart from the hear and the view you might as well be at home. I am waiting to go out, waiting to see art, to eat different food.

The heat increases, the doors and windows are shut. The house goes dark. We are heading out.

(Wednesday)

In the Arezzo museum, weatherworn statues and paintings no longer required for worship are arranged in empty rooms, numbers that refer you to a notice board.

Awkward English versions, rough cut stone and carved folds. Decontextualized crucifixes and empty reliquaries.

Cold tiles, polished wooden doors, grids of light from ancient windows.

•

Rows of pillars, grey against cream. Badly lit paintings containing dwarves, rabbits, angels; the drowned and saved; Mary in her glory, Jesus as a child.

Pale memories of stories handed down as pictures, threatening lessons to be learned. Abuse of power. Hell awaits.

I cannot see. The varnish is gloss and cracked, the colours dark and chipped. Frescoes have been torn from walls and hung again in empty rooms.

Traffic and pedestrians pass by, we have the place to ourselves apart from the guard on her laptop and the old lady who knits. Both say hello, watch carefully as we look around the museum.

•

     worn paving stones

     courtyard striations

     layers of time

 (Thursday)

Montevarchi, the local town, feels worn out. The weekly market has moved out of the centre to the park we used to frequent when the children were younger, and there are empty shops for sale. The newsagent’s kiosk has gone, the main square where we saw a Gypsy band perform and Patti Smith once played is desolate.

The fascist tower at the end of the main street glowers with power over nothing. The café we have been to before is closed but we did discover a chaotic secondhand shop full of dusty books, unwanted china and old postcards, some of which we bought.

•

We are hanging around in San Giovanni Valdarno because Italians do not take time seriously. We are sitting in the square waiting for the museum to open. A backpacker is asleep in the ‘cave’ where miracles happened under the church, two men are mending phone lines, everyone else is at home.

The outdoor colours are sun-faded, it is cooler today. Earlier, the manageress of the restaurant we had lunch in, poured us glasses of limoncello by way of an apology for delays and a malfunctioning toilet door. She offered us more but we moved on.

Slowly, people appear. Shop shutters slide up, the museum guard pedals into view. Inside, the angel will still be telling Mary she is pregnant or about to be. Gold and white light. Intervention. Angelic appearance. Annunciation.

•

The fact that one of Fra Angelico’s three Annunciation altarpieces is in this small town still seems like a secret, although each time we visit there are more people. Even so, I get a quarter of an hour to sit alone with the painting.

The angel is brighter
     than we remember.
     The Virgin is veiled,
     the dove projected
     down from Heaven.

     Blue and reds:
     human and holy.
     The angel holds
     Mary in his gaze
     to tell her his news.

     Adam and Eve flee
     Paradise, are sent
     into exile. Gabriel
     hovers uneasily
     over weightless colour.

     Does everything
     mean something?
     Mean anything?
     Time is interrupted,
     past and future changed.

     Stories persist.

Everything is symbolic, has a specific meaning but if you put all that aside you are left with an angel facing a woman. There is lots of gold, red and blue; the angel is clothed in pink.

The frame is newer than the painting, so there are strips of flat colour each side to make up for what might be missing. And much of the floor, along with the view from the window, is insubstantial, an abstract palette to help the perspective work.

Saturated colour, spirituality, theology, metaphor and symbolism. The remnants of a story that used to power the world.

 (Friday)

This morning the sun is back. No mist, no rain, a breeze and a view all the way to the horizon becomes a day of waiting. For the others and for the forecast thunder and rain, which duly arrives late afternoon, causing tourists in Florence to shelter in cafés whilst locals stride on or unfurl small umbrellas. It is big, splodgy summer rain, the sort we do not often get in England.

The science/zoological/anatomical museum is as haphazard as it sounds. A floor of gorgeous minerals, a locked hall of skeletons, and a vast collection of preserved animals and drawings with views into other rooms full of waxwork body parts and medical dissections.

Schoolboys run through the displays as the guards get visibly irritated. The entrance courtyard is shaded and worn, paving stones cracked and polished in equal parts.

We drove, due to a train strike, and caught one of the new trams from a park-and-ride. The city is as busy as ever but we skirted the centre and crossed the river.

For lunch, salads and meat, special pesto with pistachios added, circles of grilled aubergine. The air conditioning provided a backbeat to the busker who could not sing, a pulse of cool air and engine noise, a relentless human hum.

•

In Santo Spirito there is a Giotto or School of Giotto crucifix (depending which information board you read) above the altar, and a Donatello annunciation I have only every known in reproduction.

It is one of those vast empty churches built like a barn, which would be quiet but for the recorded command for Silence!, which is by far the loudest thing.

In the sacristy, a room at the side, hangs an early work by Michelangelo, only displayed because of its maker’s name. If you pay to visit you can also enter the cloisters.

 (Saturday)

Fireflies or glowbugs in the bushes after dark. Like fairy lights or fairies themselves, like fading traces on the screens of old televisions shutting down. Pale fluorescent, green white light. There but not there, somewhere else.

‘You can see,’ says my daughter, ‘why people believe in magic creatures. I would if I had seen these when I was younger. Well, I believed in them anyway.’

An unexpected surprise, one of the week’s highlights. Soft interruptions blinking on and off in the warm night.

(Sunday)

In Arezzo’s main square, ‘Hotel California’ is being played on a squeaky violin; the drums and guitar never arrive. The restaurants which overcharge are overcrowded with no locals to be seen. It is hot again and now the music is popular classical although you can hear the diners’ chatter from where we stand.

Mid-afternoon, swifts diving and soaring. Dry heat, lazy lunch, warm wine and blurry vision. Crap versions of well-known songs. Tuscan towers and churches. Deep shadows and burnt stone. Sunshine and architecture as time travel.

•

The church is now a museum and you cannot go in at all unless you pay. There is a glass panel behind the doorway which tends to reflect the light back, and most of the piazza has been cordoned off, although I found a shady corner where I could sit.

The posh café we visited only once remains closed. If you peer through the shutters the art deco chairs are still in place but there is more dust. The town has not changed for the better, is dirtier and emptier. Only the heat remains the same, even though it should be cooler now. Spring has become summer, summer may disappear or simply become a month or two of absolute heat.

The woman who stuck her fingers in her ears on the tram in Florence is now visiting Arezzo. There is also a squeaky dog in attendance, which sounds like a soft toy, not an actual animal. Earlier, I met Fred (short for Alfredo) outside the cathedral. He was somewhat hairy and did not squeak but barked.

•

On the way back to the car there were sirens behind us, which turned out to be police motorbikes preceding and escorting a procession of classic cars up to the cathedral square, where speeches were made and prizes awarded. I sent photos to my cousin and told him how we all cheered when the oldest car just made it up the hill on its second attempt.

•

Half a book I am struggling with left to read, only what is left in the cupboard to eat. A glass of wine left in the bottle.

Tonight, aerobatics by a pair of bats, a silent owl’s descent, and the gradual flickering arrival of fireflies again as dusk becomes night.

More bites and itching, a knocked-off blister top and a mosquito bite up my nose – these insects are keen!

 (Monday)

The prickly pear plants in Gropina have been cut back but what seems to be the same dog guards the track they grow on.

The church lit by light bleeding through thin alabaster windows is cool and empty. It is devoid of any ornamentation apart from an ornate pulpit which seems to show Celtic figures, animals and patterns.

There is no concession to tourism beyond the same few postcards there have always been. The church simply waits, squat cracked grey, damp patches throughout.

   © Rupert M Loydell

The Man Who Painted the Wire Town

Horses, by Eric Tucker. © Estate of Eric Tucker

The best half-dozen artists of any nation, Wyndham Lewis remarked, are never dependent on the objective world for their success or stimulus; they can make a new thing of anything, however provincial the original. This proved particularly apt for Eric Tucker, who had not even Rembrandt’s country mills and Dutch canals to draw on, but instead the factories, pubs and angry red-brick streets of Warrington — officially Britain’s ‘worst town for culture’, according to the Royal Society of Arts.

Yet despite its lack of vibrant cycle paths, world-class heritage sites and inclusive street furniture, the old Wire Town still inspired Tucker to create a prodigious body of work. He left behind some five hundred paintings, concealed throughout his end-of-terrace home: stashed on top of and behind wardrobes, hidden in a stairwell cupboard and the garden shed, and even stuffed into empty compost bags in the remains of an old air-raid shelter. Shortly after he died in 2018, his family turned his home into a gallery for a weekend – dubbed a “terraced-house Tate” in his nephew Joe Tucker’s book, The Secret Painter – and more than two thousand locals attended. National press coverage, museum retrospectives and West End exhibitions followed, sealing Tucker’s reputation as Warrington’s ‘Secret Lowry’.

But does this comparison hold? Tucker was certainly a fan of Lowry, but among his art books, he apparently had only one on the Manchester painter. For the most part, his collection consisted of works on early Modern artists, predominantly Post-Impressionists: Cézanne, Toulouse-Lautrec, Gauguin, and Van Gogh. But the Art World has an unfortunate habit, when it belatedly discovers Northern artists, of yoking them all to Lowry. See here: another Gulley Jimson of the North, dimly emerging from Lancashire’s mephitic glooms, a reclusive eccentric whose voice has been heard only too late…

Lowry spent eighty-eight years in Manchester polishing this fantasy about himself: the myth, as Brian Sewell put it, that he sprang fully formed from the brow of Minerva and painted more or less the same picture of urban dereliction eight hundred times after a Pauline revelation in a Pendleton park. His converting angel said, “Look,” and, looking, Lowry saw that grime was good. Yet compared with Tucker, Lowry was relatively middle-class. He grew up in the leafy suburb of Victoria Park. In photographs, he appears a formal, distant, clerkly figure. Tucker, while also a lifelong bachelor who lived with his mother, had been a boxer, labourer and gravedigger — by all accounts a private yet popular character who modelled his shtick more on Ken Dodd than the Douanier Rousseau. Where Lowry painted as an outsider looking in, Tucker painted as an insider looking out. “Eric is one of the people in the pictures,” his brother explained to art historian Ruth Millington. “He knows them all.”

Ragtatters Pony, by Eric Tucker. © Estate of Eric Tucker

This distinction is writ large on the walls of a recent Mayfair retrospective, Characters and Places. Tucker gives us industrial life up close: there are no long-shot vistas of market squares and factory gates, no matchstick men pouring from blackened mills — Lowry’s “undignified, pea-brained homunculi”, as Edwin Mullins termed them. Tucker’s characters are rounded in every sense: ruddy-cheeked, individual, full of vim and vigour. You wish you were having as good a time as his pubgoers. Each subject is rendered not in Lowry’s muted palette but in ham pinks, russets, ochres and blacks. Flat-capped pipe smokers and their grizzled ale-mates jostle with young couples and cabaret singers amid crisply defined bottles and glasses. There are no gloomy kitchen-sink shenanigans here: Tucker’s oils and watercolours transform Warrington’s nightlife into something as joyfully carnivalesque — though less coldly abstract — as Wyndham Lewis’s drawings of Breton peasant fêtes.

Lowry may have convinced Tucker that life in the industrial north was worthy of painting, but Tucker shows what Lowry missed in it. This is as true of Tucker’s ‘places’ as of his characters. Beyond the smoky pubs and clubs, Tucker depicts vignettes from Warrington’s backstreets and alleyways, peopled with half-spectral figures playing games, lighting bonfires, dealing scrap, or simply smoking a cigarette and staring at an egg-carton-grey sky. Elsewhere, we see pigeon fanciers, rag-and-bone men, circus ringmasters, confabbing housewives and brangling corner-boys. What leaps out from these canvases is not the Lowry influence, but Tucker’s admiration for Edward Burra — the English painter of surreal, vividly satirical urban scenes, and another maverick who, like Pound’s Hugh Selwyn Mauberley, was “out of key with his time.” Indeed, Tucker’s scenes are strangely anachronistic. To a millennial eye, only the concrete bollards and streetlights distinguish them from the Edwardian era.

In truth, the same might be said of much of Warrington today. It certainly could of the street I grew up on, only a few streets away from Tucker, in the late 1990s. Yet the fact that Tucker rarely dated his pictures feels significant: it suggests they were never intended as nostalgia or mere social record, to be framed in glass-walled museums as exhibits of a world willingly forgotten. Like Burra, he paints with an unaffected affection for a world that is conventionally reckoned drab or ugly—a world which, in Tucker’s case, is now considered as lost to time as Woolworths or The Wheeltappers and Shunters Club. Yet so deeply immersed was Tucker in this forgotten North that one feels the artist is still there, in these pictures. So too, it seems, are his characters. I need only open the door and look.

Correlations

IAN C SMITH’s work has been published in BBC Radio 4 Sounds, Cable Street, Griffith Review, North of Oxford, Rundelania, The Spadina Literary Review, Stand, & Westerly.  His seventh book is wonder sadness madness joy, Ginninderra (Port Adelaide).  He writes in the Gippsland Lakes area of Victoria, and on Flinders Island

Correlations

In March 1790 Bligh reaches England the same day as his letters describing the Bounty mutiny written five months earlier, Bligh aboard a Dutch vessel from the East Indies, his cannon shot news via France which seethes with its own uprising as does he with his need for vindication.

A new luminary deriving from his account of the miraculous feat of seamanship in the open launch, Bligh both seethes and basks at first. But questions soon arise suggesting all is not quite right with this talk of the town exploit, and Fletcher Christian is better connected than many in England, including Bligh. His clan numbers bishops, MPs, and university alumni, one brother a lawyer, another, a doctor.

Unable to defend himself, Fletcher of the tattooed arse constructs huts of vegetation and yard, cultivating his semi-tropical garden in a mutineers’ allotment on a little known and maddeningly more difficult to find island of the remote Pacific in residence with one of several native women and various scoundrels. Even from that distance he has allies with clout.

Rumour, gossip, abounds. We all love a mystery, each with an opinion. Nobody knows where Fletcher and his makeshift mob are, nor has heard from Bligh’s launch crew. Some scoff at the idea of so many ordered into an open boat, armed and provisioned, allowed to make their way home, however hazardous, without putting up a fight, the shame of this.

Several survivors of the incident-riddled launch odyssey are silenced, dead in the East Indies where tropical diseases scythe Europeans. Others stranded there by Bligh who couldn’t wait to be disencumbered of them are now debauched, drunken, threatening, even mutinous. Bligh writes to families of some of the original crew, expressing his feelings towards these shocked innocent people’s loved ones, whether calumnious or praiseworthy.

Fletcher’s fame, or infamy, puts Cockermouth on the map. Bounty’s voyage was financed to cultivate breadfruit as a profit-skimming basic slave diet. Political radicals sympathise with the French revolutionaries, among these the young Wordsworths in this time of a burgeoning anti-slavery movement. William attended the same school as Fletcher whose brother, Edward, shall later help the Wordsworths receive their rightful inheritance.

By 1808 when news of the discovery of the isolated Pitcairners – a tribe now with their own language – spreads, the South Pacific is well-charted. Illegally deposed as Governor of New South Wales during the Rum Rebellion after rubbing rogues the wrong way again, Bligh has nine years of life left.

In the heat of the mutiny he reminded Fletcher that he had dandled the Bligh children on his knee. His wife remaining in Lambeth where their twin sons are buried, Bligh’s married daughter deputised as his first lady in Australia. Did she captivate Sydney’s fledgling society with her childhood memory of Fletcher Christian?

Theatrical extravaganzas, prequels to future film flimflam, made much of Bligh’s dramatic days during his extraordinary life. Today, some still believe Fletcher found his way home to England, or vanished into America’s melting pot. In Hobart, anxious to clear his name again, did Bligh learn of the mutineers’ island descendants? Were these days of regret, of trembling sorrow?

Blackheath

Nobody wanted proper light they want to be in the dark, they liked it, they liked

the little cupboards.  To live a story written in invisible ink, painted in

abstract arcs, but atmospheric, poignant, calm, devastating . . .  Perhaps this

could never happen except in some strange half-apprehension inside?


Hurtling the elevated course[i]

viaducts arching forwards

headlong,

cable-ducting streaming a frantic pulse

while gantries blink at signals vanishing 

gaps before speech

no time to question

twelve tracks in unison, dividing, merging,

aimed reckless

– a geometric exaltation –

at the sharp radius, weed-ragged triangle

of Borough Market Junction

(slow thunder amongst the attics),

braking will have its moment, but now is not it,

now is acceleration,

exploding through the jumbled visual inundation

of miraculous panoramas vaunting the compass

to praise and shun

from slum to gentrification’s skyward balconies

skewed bridges over stalled clutter

horns accusing each other  

St. James’ Bermondsey[ii] – foregrounded – is granted time,

Tower Bridge Road is not.

Scaling steel and dazzle of glass, mirror and kaleidoscope

the solid eras from which they took insolent flight,

splintering visions into the grey-green river’s tidal swell.

Cannon Street or Charing cross . . . default to London Bridge:

this sublime chaos has been overripe for a century,

between the essence of specific words

changing with the hour

the light, the region of Europa, the confident stairways.

Did the bombing try to neaten things or only add another density?

Followed by two or three decades of hopefulness[iii]

(in retrospect overstated, deluded),

soon came the point where things went subtly

yet more incurably wrong. 


More than anything, landscape had always given him freedom. Uninsistent.

It had no care for the human world.

All that dialogue, phrasing, signature, soundwave, all that need and frustration:

it made no impression. It missed almost everything.


Censor the didactic rant to puzzle on the outpourings of runic graffiti

ipton’s Tea, the finest the world produces

disrupting or expanding Deptford Broadway

bloated Arabian Nights or a portal to secret cults

conspiracy conflations overrunning all others

horror sunflowers with erotic intent

Eine Kleine Nachtmusik[iv] is not the genre

nor boombox cars racing their decibels

no wardrobes or courtyards conceal the past

for the hangars of wire are all a-rattle with nothing 

nothing visible

and the indulgence expanding from self-control,

intensifying experience to give a purpose,

rings artificial,

yet undoubtably the ancient and the medieval

exhale through every area of wood or raven black

and transitory 21st century towers alike suggest demise and the diagonal

upon which the air itself will carry their dust

their stone tapes[v] into the clouds and colours

as though history is more than dead structures and the fabrications of books

is rather the ether itself (as some claim love is truth and truth is love)

behind and above all terminal, worn out, buzzing industry

this daily to and fro of mindlessness

the impatient global death-wish.


Take Courage at the Amersham Arms by the double red lines:

I did and I didn’t – no alcohol passed my lips

chalk on the wet wood around the shadow of alphabets

all of these corrections

and all of these failings[vi]

echo from the mesh fence over New Cross station

expectant platforms freed from rush hour below

looking south to Hastings (theoretically),

taste the wash of the tide and the rush of shingle

briefly fade the queue of danger lights shining on bin bags

the pierce of brakes . . .

what first impressions from a precarious pushchair!

boys will be . . . what we teach them to be[vii],

as this mental brass rubbing, struggles corridors into distances

angles waking from the dormant

tries staves to support a cloven harmony.


Obviously, it wasn’t good to have all this contempt. It wasn’t kind.

Even to wish for a magic wand to wave up another life . . .

the lodge house on a disused drive . . .

Only he would ever open the gates between the trees. High ornate gates that would

symbolically exclude or welcome –

if occasionally he felt expansive towards the outside world.


Roadworks now upon the winding hill

funnel the yellow box junction overlooked

by that endless fight of George and Dragon

good versus evil or more complex alchemy?[viii]

From a smile to the left, other soundscapes flow

reducing plastic vehicles to a whispering haze

mind-manacled time zones intersect and cancel

hint forms, images, prospects

even narrative

from tilted rooms fumed with exhaust

from fenced corridors under bamboo screen and radar dish,

stunted palms and arrowslit windows

from country villas stranded in their rowdy future

dilapidated, behind railing and creeper

preceding 40s flats . . . perhaps? (they have a rectilinear austerity).

The projection may be drab 

but climbing Blackheath Hill toward the grass, drought-widening common 

its balconies are not stale,

filled with town and country,

their musics drift above the heavy traffic

the stop and start of hybrid buses

the slant of dreams and aspirations in many languages . . .


“If you can’t satisfy yourself, how can you satisfy anyone else?” runs the wise phrase,

the target of self-knowledge, bow and arrow, individualist parade.

The only trouble being: who but the ignorant, the arrogant or the lucky, can ever

satisfy themselves?


Higher, as the plateau begins to break,

wooded commons buffer zones of peace

where red shuttered bays remember green wartime garages,

until a siren sounds from 80 years past

loud enough to wake Wat Tyler[ix] from his abysmal mooring

reduced to a road sign,

loud enough to date other more recent subjectivities

garnered from artists, writers and characters who preferred art to living,

half-dead or lost, fascinated perhaps 

and wishing to stay that way –

forgetting that at its most vivid, art is life multiplied

or aware that such a level or spiritual leap[x], is too great a risk or challenge

and prudence often worse than a toxin.


Gestures and beauty gone –

You had your chance

and mine is nearly done

there is never finally any way to turn

but take port duty free on the link span[xi].


Is history the attempt of spirit to conquer matter[xii]

or no more than an accretion of grime?

something we should try to learn from but forget,

the circles through which we overlap or not . . .

our one-way flow with no option but to follow

– or a topological map with infinite directions and choice?

Here, the country church[xiii]

invisible tock upon the bookshelves . . .

red bus through the trees and fences that reach backwards and block

all diagonal pursuit

no sleep ever seems just

only a pause between enigmas

unless you switch off to it all and dream of Wales, or a remote coast

or a vineyard in Chile  

as if the dream were all.


That dream could be the dream of the lodge, off the map, disused, forgotten,

but self-sufficient – as in the end we must all become, unless (or even if) we can

rekindle love. Our own fracture is enough, only the landscape or the lover can heal,

not the peer group or the distant friend.

Once it becomes impossible to tolerate life as it is, there is only the light inside. 

The gates opened into woodland sun and shade.

All human drivel died between the avenues

all ambition drowned on the unspoilt riverbanks which followed.

And through the lines, words, shapes, the movement arose,

becoming tastes and notes and colours.


At New Cross station, Sutherland[xiv] asked “Do you think I’ll ever be an artist?”

This was the late 1920s – before the primeval incursion of Pembrokeshire

shattered his mould,

“Or shall I get my father to find me some other kind of work?”

Do such assumptions, signifying class structure, still remain?

Should I have been a meter reader[xv], musing on life’s paradox as I walked my round . . .

never troubling to scrawl any of it down,

never disturb the peace

for anything beyond style or template originality may be too cruel.

Was post-war optimism also when culture began to slither more generally trivial,

relaxed too far?

or can such impressions be blamed on the inevitable drought,

the scrap to maintain one’s personality in the face of the world? . . .

However –

since the developed temperament and will

can banish or dialectically justify all negative reality,

or dissolve material into metaphysical

today’s dull light is more than enough to make us content

avoiding the fairground and the ever-flashing blue lights

of ambulance and fuzz

as we walk, expecting rain, flippant but uplifted,

crossing the parched August space of

Blackheath.

NOTES


[i]    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_Bridge_%E2%80%93_Greenwich_Railway_Viaduct

[ii]    Neo-classical. This image seems to exaggerate both the height of the viaducts and the closeness of St. James’ Church to the railway: blackcablondon.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/near-bermondsey-church.jpg

[iii]   From 1945 – 1975: arguably the maximum period of post-war hope – during which (for one example) ecological concerns were fully realised but insufficiently acted upon. During which, global corporations became too powerful and greed became a virtue.

[iv]  Both the music and specifically (in the line above this one), Dorothea Tanning’s painting of 1943: https://www.dorotheatanning.org/life-and-work/view/64/

[v] https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0069316/  1972 British television horror drama film written by Nigel Kneale.

[vi] https://genius.com/Songs-ohia-travels-in-constants-lyrics  (paraphrased) lyrics written and performed by Jason Molina: www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTcNpD1YyoI&list=RDbTcNpD1YyoI&start_radio=1  at 12.46 – 13.39

[vii] Slogan on a screen or billboard?  [visible but small in the top right of the roadworks photo –21st August 2025]

[viii] From https://brill.com/view/journals/rt/13/2/article-p195_4.xml  :

“It is the purpose of this paper to interpret the legend of St. George and the Dragon in terms of alchemical symbolism. While the victory of the Christian hero over the Dragon is traditionally interpreted as symbolic of the triumph of good over evil, it is argued that both combatants represent the four alchemical elements: air, water, earth and fire. Instead of a duel of opposites their combat transmutes the coiled-up energy of the dragon into solar light, which manifests as the beautiful princess of the myth. The conclusion is drawn that there is a dialectical movement of force in the battle between St. George and the dragon. The hero releases the antithetical power of the dense, dark matter symbolised by the dragon so that the elements of a polarity do not remain contrasted but are resolved creatively.”

[ix] en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wat_Tyler

[x] Søren Kierkegaard et al

[xi] Link Span, BTF film of 1956, directed by Michael Clarke. See: www.imdb.com/title/tt1754135/  “This documentary from British Transport Films, follows 24 hours in the life of three British Railways Channel ferry services.”

[xii]  Colin Wilson paraphrasing Arnold Toynbee in Religion and the Rebel (1957) reprinted by Aristeia Press in 2017, page 130.

[xiii] Charlton village is the one here of many.

[xiv] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graham_Sutherland  While Sutherland’s Pembrokeshire landscapes may not be “realistic”, personally, I wouldn’t think of them generally as “surreal” – which word to me indicates an element of attitude, even a degree of literary willing, more evident in (for example), Paul Nash’s gently surrealist, Landscape from a Dream, or in Dorothea Tanning’s, Eine Kleine Nachtmusik (A Little Night Music) www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/tanning-eine-kleine-nachtmusik-t07346

Sutherland’s best Pembrokeshire work celebrates the mystery and reveals the hidden power and primeval qualities of the landscape. However, I can see how, given that his landscapes are often ‘more real than reality’, this can easily be associated with surrealism, and at times he does utilize a more surreal approach. In fact, it could be argued that the most relevant aspect of surrealism, is not the exaggerated drama of melting watches and so on, but simply an ability or a moment in which one sees and notices things more vividly. Walking through a suburb of Heysham yesterday, gradually moving into a heightened sense of seeing, I was reminded how ‘surreal’ so many houses and gardens can look in bright daylight, the layout of shrubs and pots, the window surrounds and porches etc – all those aspects of daily life it is so easy to take for granted or disregard. Down on the prom, I was reminded of Paul Nash’s short essay Swanage, or Seaside Surrealism published in The Architectural Review (Volume LXXIX, April 1936, pp. 161-4). Nash himself distinguished between the work of artists belonging to a Surrealist group, distinguishing their work by a capital ‘S’, and “artworks, situations, objects or locations that have a dreamlike character or incongruous settings that evoke disquiet or the uncanny. These, he describes, as surreal with a small ‘s’.” See: www.paulnashdorset.co.uk/timeline/1936#

[xv] https://internationaltimes.it/?s=meter-reader  Obituary for my father, 2024.

‘The Sentinel’

Defendants at the Nuremberg Trials

“Don’t mention the war,” my grandfather advised me a few minutes before our guest, an old friend from the faculty of the nearby University of Puget Sound, joined us for lunch. This was Tacoma, Washington, about twenty miles south of Seattle in America’s Pacific Northwest, in mid-August 1975 (I was visiting from Cambridge) and thus about ten weeks before John Cleese immortalised the phrase in ‘The Germans’ episode of Fawlty Towers, which I see was first broadcast on 24 October that year. Among other distinctions my grandfather ended up as the US’s oldest active full-time professor, but that aside he was always a man ahead of his time, and I think would have enjoyed the happy coincidence of this use of the line that entered into the shared folklore of my generation of Brits.

Our guest that day in Tacoma was Colonel Burton C. Andrus (US Army, Ret), and, true to his military calling, he arrived with us precisely on time. Or, to be more literally true, he didn’t. About fifteen minutes before the appointed hour, my grandfather called me over to the front window and, with an amused smile, pointed to a large-finned old Cadillac parked directly across the street. I could see a bespectacled, grey-haired man sitting bolt upright in the driver’s seat, reading a newspaper. My grandfather and I then stood waiting for the hands of the living-room clock to reach exactly 12.30pm. During these minutes, the figure in the car continued reading the paper, as though he were in fact sitting unobserved in a chair in his own home, and not parked immediately opposite our front door, ten yards away. Then, precisely at 12.30pm, the man got out of the car, walked briskly to the door, and rang the bell. “Ah, Colonel,” my grandfather greeted him. “Punctual as ever.”

Colonel Burton C. Andrus

Colonel Andrus was then 83, and it was immediately apparent that he retained his decisive, soldierly approach to life. An October 1946 issue of Time, which I’d read in my grandfather’s scrapbook the previous evening, gave a rather unflattering account of our guest. It described him as “a pompous, unimaginative, if thoroughly likeable officer who wasn’t up to his job … Every morning his plump little figure, looking like an inflated pouter pigeon, moved majestically around, impeccably garbed in his uniform and highly shellacked helmet.” Now, thirty years later, Andrus retained the same crispness of dress – I seem to remember a funereally dark suit and tie – but there was little about him that was plump or inflated. He was, if anything, a trim, wiry figure who could have passed for twenty years younger than his real age (and, incidentally, nothing like the actor John Slattery, who impersonated him in the recent film Nuremberg), and I could immediately see how formidable, in fact frightening, a character he once must have been.

When introduced, the colonel eschewed the traditional handshake and instead seized my arm near the elbow for a second in a grip of steel, as if making a sudden arrest. He then gazed fiercely around the room, which he remarked, rightly, if a shade caustically, had ‘a lot of possessions’ in it. His relentlessly critical eye had been trained over the decades to spot weakness, and he could still be abrupt in noting any blemishes or other details that failed to meet his exacting standards. I was glad that I had had a haircut the day before.

Born about 300 miles away in Spokane, Washington, in 1892, Andrus had a successful early career working for Standard Oil. He volunteered for the army on America’s entry into the First World War, and an officer’s report on him even in this youthful period praised both his “iron self-will” and “ability to inspire the fighting man which endear[ed] him to their hearts.” Although not posted overseas, Andrus was to foreshadow his later career when in July 1919 he was promoted and sent to the Presidio in Monterey, California, where he served as Prison and Intelligence Officer. Various staff and administrative posts followed in the inter-war years. In September 1941, then Lt-Col Andrus was sent to Great Britain to study its air-ground operations, and did a “thoroughly conscientious” job there, as even Time acknowledged. His was a world of briefing notes, technical manuals, dockets, manifests and fussily annotated guidelines on military procedure – a gift for detail that did not diminish with age. Andrus returned to Britain in January 1944 to serve as Commanding Officer of the 10th Traffic Regulation Group in the run-up to D-Day. In December of that year, he transferred to Allied field headquarters in liberated France as a Combat Observer. In May 1945, Col. Andrus was appointed governor of the Mondorf-les-Bains facility in Luxemburg, an interrogation centre for Nazi war criminals popularly known by its code name ASHCAN. When the inmates were moved to a new prison built at the back of the Nuremberg Palace of Justice, Andrus joined them there as their Commandant.

Notwithstanding my grandfather’s proverbial words of warning, Col. Andrus, once settled in a chair and fortified by a dynamite-strength martini, positively enjoyed talking about the war. And talk he did. Thrillingly. At length. In a dry, crisp voice he told us how military discipline and morale among the staff on his arrival at Nuremberg had been “a joke”, and that one night early on in his tenure a fellow officer had announced that he was leaving the post with the 200 men of his battalion, as he felt they could be of more service to the Allied cause elsewhere. At that, Col. Andrus quick-marched down to the motor-pool. “I posted guards overlooking it and I said: ‘The first man to drive out of that pool tonight – shoot him.’ No one moved. That particular officer soon found himself transferred out of Nuremberg, and sent to a less desirable posting than he might have wished,”  the Colonel smiled. The two hundred men of his unit remained behind to become the nucleus of the prison staff.

Not long after that, Andrus went to deliver the formal indictments to the men in their cells. “They were a motley crew,” he remembered. “You looked at them and wondered how they could possibly have terrorised so many millions of people.” The colonel came to the conclusion that

…it was largely a matter of image. These gangsters had always strutted about with retinues of boot-licking aides. No one questioned them. They created an impression which, through newspapers, radio, and movie films, became a cult. This cult had to be lived up to. To increase their lustre, the men had to keep going forward – in the end, they so lost track of right and wrong that in prison they felt not guilt but a kind of indignation at their confinement.

The only one of the indicted men who had mildly impressed him was Field-Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, until lately the Head of the German Armed Forces and de facto War Minister. “He at least snapped to attention when receiving the papers I handed him,” Andrus allowed.

Like other prisoners before and after them, some of the inmates at Nuremberg turned to the solace of religion. Hans Frank, the former Governor-General of Poland, and as such thought to be responsible for the deaths of up to two million Polish Jews, “used to pray at all hours of the day, and I have no doubt genuinely felt that the Church had relieved him of guilt,” Andrus said. Several others among the accused preferred the more secular consolation of the law. Keitel and his colleagues Field-Marshal Kesselring and Grand Admiral Doenitz all addressed letters to the Supreme Allied Commander that Andrus felt would almost have been comic but for the circumstances. Many quoted the Geneva Convention, and some asked that their former aides and orderlies be sent to join them in prison. Kesselring had wanted a more comfortable bed and bigger windows in his cell to alleviate his rheumatism, a request that Andrus had felt it within himself to refuse.

The prisoners themselves weren’t the only ones to suffer the particular stress of life at Nuremberg. To my surprise, Andrus told us that when he arrived,

…most of the rest of the jail was already occupied by German civilian prisoners. It would have been easy for any of them to infiltrate our wing, and the prospect kept me awake at night until I finally got permission to erect a barrier. For that matter, the security outside the compound wasn’t any better, and if some fanatical pro-Nazis had taken it on themselves to load a truck with TNT and send it speeding through the outer wall to the cell-block itself, we would all have been blown sky high.

Andrus had also been worried about the morale of the Nuremberg jailers, or ‘sentinels’ as he called them. “These men were often 19 or 20 years old, and they were to stand in shifts in dark concrete walkways watching the prisoners day and night. It wasn’t a job for sissies. Over my whole term of duty, I experienced a 600 per cent turnover in staff,” Andrus remarked, not bothering to hide a faint snort of derision. Adding to the sombre atmosphere, two of the Nuremberg inmates, the so-called Reich Health Leader Leonardo Conti, and head of the Labour Front Robert Ley, committed suicide in captivity, while the Luftwaffe chief and Reichsstatthalter of Prussia (though he acquired offices of state almost at will) Hermann Goering later cheated the hangman by biting down on a cleverly concealed cyanide capsule only hours before his scheduled execution in October 1946.

But by far the most enigmatic – and troublesome – of Col. Andrus’s charges at Nuremberg was the former Deputy Fuhrer, Rudolf Hess. Hess was then 51, and had been in Allied hands since famously flying to Scotland in an apparent solo attempt to broker peace with the United Kingdom in May 1941. Was he mentally unhinged, as his bizarre flight, and subsequent real or feigned amnesia, seemed to suggest?
The colonel’s first encounter with “this beetle-browed little man who arrived in a grey suit and a crumpled felt hat” was far from promising. Hess was being marched down a corridor in the jail when he saw Goering and his guard coming towards him. “Conveniently forgetting to forget, he immediately snapped to attention and threw up his arm in the Nazi salute to greet his old comrade.” The black comedy of the scene struck me, and I asked the colonel what he had done. “I instructed Hess, ‘Do not raise your arm like that again. I consider it a vulgar gesture.’ ‘The Nazi salute is not a vulgar gesture,’ he said. ‘It is now,’ I told him.”

“I knew right away that he was faking it,” the colonel continued. When later questioned about his family, “Hess was able to answer in very great detail about events that had happened 40 years earlier. The fact that he was reading two highbrow books a day while in custody also told me that he must have retained some of the background of his education in order to understand them.” A US Army psychiatrist examined all the Nuremberg prisoners. His report found that Hess was “passive, suggestible and naïve … Like the typical hysterical personality, he was incapable of facing reality and escaped by developing a functional disorder” – in this case, selective amnesia. “I looked him in the eye and told him I knew he was a sham. Hess just glared at me. He was ‘mad’ all right, mad at me for disbelieving him,” the colonel said.

As for Goering himself, ‘he came to me as a 300-pound hophead,’ Andrus remarked, employing the terminology of the day. “He had sixteen suitcases, wore a Cartier watch, and his fingernails were painted bright red.” After several months of the colonel’s regimen, Goering was cured of his morphine addiction, and his weight was down to something approaching normal. Even so, the table in his cell was deliberately built so that it would have collapsed had he tried to use it to reach the small barred window with a sheet or towel as a possible means of suicide. Andrus admitted that he had found Goering “a cunning and not always disagreeable internee, whom you could never turn your back on.” One morning in March 1946, the Nuremberg prisoners were being taken out of their cells to be marched to the nearby courtroom. “Goering took the opportunity to reach out and strike the sentinel several times on his arm and shoulder. The soldier hit him back with his billy-club. Goering then went loco and started screaming in German, and using his hands with incredible speed to lash out at the man. It took four GIs to subdue him.” A few years later, I was uncomfortably reminded of this incident when I sat watching the scene of Hannibal Lecter maniacally attacking his guards in The Silence of the Lambs.

After being condemned to death, Goering had made a request to face a firing squad rather than the gallows. The Allied control commission rejected his petition. “In my mind, that was the moment he took the decision to kill himself,” Andrus said. The colonel would not be drawn on the rumour that a sympathetic GI had palmed the cyanide capsule to his prisoner, and rather stiffly repeated the formal conclusion of the enquiry that “Goering had the poison in his possession when apprehended”, that “he may have hidden it in an obscure recess in the inside of his toilet under the overhanging rim,” and that “no blame for dereliction of duty is ascribed to any prison guard.” The colonel repeated the words verbatim, and I could tell that the matter still rankled all these years later. To have lost three men at Nuremberg by their own hand was the one obvious regret of this proud and supremely capable soldier. Twenty years after the event, the colonel received a letter out of the blue from the National Archives in Washington, DC. It attached a photocopy of the suicide note Goering had personally addressed to him. This, too, concluded: “None of those charged with searching [for the cyanide] is to be blamed, for it was practically impossible to find it. It would have been pure accident. [The army psychiatrist] informed me that the control board has refused the petition to change the method of execution to shooting.”

Given our continued fascination both with the Nazis and with prison dramas, it’s hard to imagine anything that could make the events of the early hours of 16 October 1946 more morbidly compelling. The execution by hanging of ten condemned men at Nuremberg (Goering was to have been the eleventh) had it all: a long walk through a rainswept prison yard into a starkly lit gymnasium, where one by one the condemned men were escorted up the steps (there were thirteen) to the gallows. Colonel Andrus read the formal sentence to each one moments before the end, and even he admitted that “It was a terrible task.” The Reich foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was the first to be dispatched and, like most of the others, he met his fate with a certain dignity. “My last wish is that Germany’s unity shall be preserved and that an understanding be reached between East and West,” he said. As the rope was then tightened around Ribbentrop’s neck, he turned to the army Lutheran chaplain at his side and whispered: “I’ll see you again.”

“The military men went to their deaths impeccably,” Col. Andrus said. When his turn came, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, formerly Chancellor of Austria and later Nazi commissar of the occupied Netherlands, remarked in a level voice: “I hope that this execution is the last act of the tragedy of the Second World War, and I hope that out of this disaster wisdom will inspire the people, which will result in understanding between the nations and that peace on earth will be finally established. I believe in Germany.” Then he, too, was hanged. The only difficulty had come in the case of the former publisher of the rabidly antisemitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Julius Streicher – a “very shapeless man in a baggy suit with a large bald head and short legs.” Once at the scaffold, Streicher had screamed “Heil Hitler!”, and then made some further unappreciative remarks about the Jews. As the executioner stepped forward to the lever, the condemned man had hissed at him through his black hood: “The Bolsheviks will hang you one day!” After these blood-chilling events, Andrus insisted that the bodies, including Goering’s, had been taken to Dachau and cremated in the same concentration camp ovens where tens of thousands of Jews and others had met their end, although some historians doubt this detail. The ashes were secretly dispersed in a river. The colonel had nothing to say on the long-standing rumour that the executions had been botched, meaning that some of the men had fallen with insufficient force to snap their necks and had instead slowly suffocated to death.

I was then a remarkably vain and self-absorbed 18-year-old, but even so I like to think I realised how lucky I was to be included at the lunch table that day. The time seemed to fly by. Precisely at 2.30pm, Colonel Andrus stood up, thanked us for our hospitality, and announced that he would now go home for his scheduled nap and a walk. You saw again the rigid self-discipline, and remembered that this was a man who had lived his whole adult life in a world ruled by punctuality, professionalism and unswerving devotion to duty. As he left, the colonel seized my arm once more and looked me hard in the eye. “I hope I haven’t bored you too much,” he said. I assured him he hadn’t.

Colonel Burton Andrus died on 1 February 1977, at the age of 84. It’s said by his son that his last recorded thoughts were of Nuremberg. “I think that it haunted him … ‘Goering has committed suicide. I must report it to the Commission,’ he said. I told him it was the middle of the night, and it could wait until morning. Four hours later, my father died.”

“Not unless bound with a chain” – an introduction to Dróttkvætt

RAHUL GUPTA explains the history and tradition of a venerable poetic form. This article was first
published in Forgotten Ground Regained, New Series, Issue 8, Fall 2025, focusing on modern English poems imitating Old Norse and Icelandic forms, and is reproduced with permission

Ten Days in Provence

At some time during my teens, I came across a science-fiction story by Michael Moorcock, featuring a certain ‘Dorian Hawkmoon,’ an adventurer of a distant future who existed in a post-apocalyptic version of France’s furthest south.

My memories of the book (maybe books – Hawkmoon was a recurring character in Moorcock’s ‘multiverse’) are hazy in the extreme, and probably the details are not worth remembering. But it was the first time I had heard of the Camargue – ‘Kamarg’ to Hawkmoon – the extensive flatlands around the delta of the Rhône. For some unfathomable reason, this region I had never seen lodged in my mind. Moorcock’s Kamarg was a land of neo-medieval ‘swords and sorcery,’ with castles, beautiful countesses and an evil empire, where everyone travelled by ornithopter – but I soon learned the real place was at least equally interesting.

Embarrassing though it is to admit it, this fragment of pulp fiction was one of the reasons why in August we found ourselves disembarking from a too-cold Ryanair jet into 34 degrees of heat and haze at Marseille’s Marignane airport. We found our bus, and around thirty minutes afterwards were decanted blinkingly at the Gare Routière in Aix-en-Provence.

Aix must also have been mentioned by Moorcock, but whether it was or not I had come across many mentions of it since. Like the Camargue, like all of Provence, Aix had become lodged in my imagination as a place of beautiful strangeness. To me, the name connoted an elegant and honey-coloured city of baroque fountains, refined dining and high culture, set in an immemorial terroir of lavender fields, sunflowers, red rock, Roman ruins and sleepy villages that had been hymned by troubadours, reverenced by fourteenth century Popes, and lovingly depicted by Cézanne and Van Gogh.

Provence was later also an Elysium for nineteenth and early twentieth century English travellers, drawn to the balmy air and brilliant glitter of the Cote D’Azur, with its twisting corniche roads and scented Corsican pines, beset with fishing villages and healthful views over history-haunted waters. Ice-cream architectured towns like Monaco, Monte Carlo, Nice and St. Tropez boasted wide boulevards for snobbish and stylish promenading, and casinos whose faint frisson of ‘sinfulness’ made them magnets for unbuttoning Anglicans.

Daphne du Maurier made her never named heroine meet Maxim de Winter along the Riviera in 1938’s Rebecca – two of many real-life Anglo-Americans who would be drawn to the South’s easy-going charm and artistic possibilities during the interwar years, or France’s trente glorieuses of 1945-1975. Laurence Durrell, F. Scott Fitzgerald, Katherine Mansfield, Somerset Maugham, and Edith Wharton were just some of the writers drawn here.

The Cannes Film Festival began in 1946, and the Avignon Festival of theatre in 1947. Michael Powell and Emeric Pressburger set formative scenes of their 1948 ballet film The Red Shoes in Provence – an impossibly glamorous backdrop of black-tie concerts, white-tie dinners, dazzling esplanades, expansive villas, lavish oleanders, old stone staircases and mahogany-decked yachts, for their study of obsessive perfectionism in the most artificial of dance forms. Provence had earlier been home to the pioneering film-makers, the Lumière brothers, who filmed one of the world’s first projected motion pictures in the area, 1895’s L’Arrivée d’un train en gare de La Ciotat.

Later still came Peter Mayle, whose 1989 memoir A Year in Provence describing the often amusing adventures of expatriate life in the Luberon launched a cultural trend and property boom, as thousands of northern Europeans gravitated south, swapping cramped maisonettes in chilly cities for crumbling but capacious and ineffably charming farmhouses. Mayle was lucky; we had only ten days.

Darker if romantically fascinating histories too of course were to be found across Provence, emblematised in abandoned abbeys, slighted castles, and the hulking island prison Chateau d’If made infamous in The Count of Monte Cristo – a region ranged over for centuries in bitter wars of dynasty, identity, ideology and religion, a hard and hilly land of poverty and suspicion, and strange superheated mirages like that of Saint-Rémy-de-Provence boy, Michele de Nostradame (1503-1566), better known to us as Nostradamus.

It had also always been a frontier zone, open to curious sailors like the Greeks who landed here to found Massalia (Marseilles) – from which Pythea sailed yet further, to become the first classical commentator to mention Britain. Later came the Romans to make Provence their first possession beyond the Alps – Provincia Romana, from which we get ‘Provence.’ They founded the city they called Aquae Sextiae for its healthful springs, corrupted by later lazier people into Aix.

Later, the Provence coast was often dangerously exposed to Vikings, Normans, medieval and early modern European navies and privateers, and sometimes even more meridional forces. Umayyad Berbers invaded in 719 and would occupy parts of southern France for the next 40 years, and would return again spasmodically in ensuring centuries, only finally being expelled in 973. In 1973, the conservative writer Jean Raspail’s novel Camp of the Saints offered a still vividly controversial vision – of a piteous ‘Last Chance Armada’ of rust-bucket ships overflowing with impoverished Indians landing on this beautiful coastline, destined to overwhelm a richly decadent Europe. Now, this suggestive region lay open to us.

Fountain on the Cours Mirabeau
A traditional shop

Aix is beautiful. It is also enamoured of the tourist economy, its refined streets thronged with sun-worshippers and aperitif-sippers in sandals and shorts, who fill the air with accents of America, Britain, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, and northern France. Naturalised ring-necked parakeets screech and swoop in the upper branches of graceful mature plane trees that offer grateful shade – while pigeons, sparrows and starlings dart amongst people’s feet for crumbs or hop onto bistro tables to peck at uncleared plates.

The statue of Rene of Anjou at Aix

The central Cours Mirabeau – with its statue of ‘Good King René’ looking down past banks and cafés towards a grand classical fountain – was constantly busy with tourists and those ministering to them – shopkeepers, waiters, tour guides, and stall-holders coming in from outlying districts to sell bric-a-brac, calissons (melon and orange flavour iced biscuits), cheeses, espadrilles, fruit, garlic, honey, lavender, liqueurs, nougat, perfumes, sausages, wine, and yet other things ranging from the beautifully distinctive to the utterly superfluous. The gendarmes so obviously present in other French cities were much less so here, as if they too were almost superfluous in this safe-feeling city.  

The statue of King René (1409-1480) recalls when Provence was its own country, ruled by Counts who were also linked to Anjou, Lorraine and Piedmont, and at least nominally to the kingships of Naples (from where René had been expelled in 1443, by Aragonese forces) and even Jerusalem. Provence after all had never been French, although it had been subject to the Carolingians – and had always had its own language, Occitan (of which Provençal is a dialect), which had given rise to a highly distinctive culture, a Roman rather than Frankish legal system, and its own geostrategic considerations – more interested in the Mediterranean than the Atlantic, and in Rome as much as Paris. Occitan is a distinguished language, richly inflected with ideas and vocabulary from across the whole Mediterranean basin. Christian codes of knightly chivalry are thought to have evolved first in the pays d’Oc, and the langue d’Oc exerted profound effects on European music and poetry – famously attracting the 20th century attentions of Ezra Pound, who wandered the Midi in romantic search of medieval Europe, seeing himself as a latter-day vagabond troubadour, adapting and translating many Provençal poems for his collections, including the Cantos. It is amusing to note that one notable Provençal chansonnier, Foulques de Marseille (c.1150-1231, whose romantic verse was admired by Richard the Lionheart) would later become bishop of Toulouse, and a notorious persecutor of the Cathars.

Provençal would be widely spoken in the region until it began to decline in the 19th century under the pressures of modernity. In 1854, the Maillane-born lexicographer-poet Frédéric Mistral (1830-1914) and others launched a campaign to preserve it, called the Félibrige (a word of obscure origins) – with some success; Mistral was co-recipient of the 1904 Nobel Prize for Literature. But the French government made increasing efforts to extirpate the language as part of the drive to standardise and unite France, only changing course after the 1960s; today, in Aix and elsewhere, street names are usually signed bilingually.

The benevolently remembered René was a prince of the blood of the Valois-Anjou royal line, and his younger daughter Margaret married England’s Henry VI in 1445, as part of the Hundred Years’ War toing-and-froing which the following decade saw him helping drive the English forever out of Normandy. Forsaking war and high politics at last – as much as anyone of his rank and station could – he settled in Aix, and presided over something of an artistic efflorescence, sponsoring painters, goldsmiths, sculptors and tapestry makers. He is also credited with being a painter himself, and certainly tried his hand at literature, with poetry, religious writings and a treatise on tournaments all coming from his quill. He introduced the muscat grape to the region, which ever since has helped local tipplers drown whatever tristes they may have had, such as Provence’s subsumption into the Kingdom of France the year after the good king died.

Monte Ste-Victoire by Paul Cezanne

Another Aix resident is even more fondly remembered – indeed, is something of an obsession, whose genius is exploited enthusiastically by tourism promoters. Paul Cézanne (1839-1906), the son of an Aix banker, is a ubiquitous presence in the town where he spent much of his life, with visitors queuing to see exhibitions of his work in central galleries, his atelier, his home in the western suburbs, and the Bibémus quarries outside the town that were the subject of some of his most famous pictures. The ‘father of us all’ (as he was called by Matisse and Picasso) was friends with the likes of Émile Zola, Camille Pissarro and Pierre-Auguste Renoir – yet also a dedicated provincial of rather conservative tastes, who would become a devout Catholic.

The Bathers by Cezanne

Cézanne created over 1,000 paintings during some 40 years, although many were never finished – ochreous rural vistas, many featuring Provence’s geographical symbol, the Monte Ste-Victoire – but also interiors with family and friends, still life studies of foods, or deeply intent card-players, or memento mori skulls. But he languished in artistic obscurity until quite late in life. Many art-arbiters, even in Aix, did not care for his vivid colours and distorted perspectives – although he is lionised now as an essential bridge between Impressionism and such later movements as Cubism and Fauvism. Faintly heretical though it may be to say in Aix, I don’t find his work exciting. But he imprinted his personality on his loved landscape; it is impossible not to see Provence today at least partly through his eyes.

The Musée Granet contains other things not partly obscured by troops of dutiful list-tickers and phone-clickers. An offshoot, the Fondation Jean et Suzanne Planque, has around 300 20th century artworks from artists including Picasso, Pierre Bonnard, Georges Braque, Fernand Léger, Nicolas de Staël and Jean Dubuffet. Cezanne’s influence can clearly be seen in some of these. The early 20th century artistic love affair with Primitivism was inspired by items like some of the genuinely primitive artefacts held by the Musée – originating from the Oppidum d’Entremont, a Celt-Ligurian ringfort on an ancient crossroads between Marseille and the Durance valley, and Fréjus and the Rhône. Stone heads and pieces of torso found there in 1946 suggest a stern warrior culture, with the human head perhaps holding special significance as domed symbol of the heavens, and seat of spirituality. They invaded Italy, getting as far as Rome in the 4th century BC, and would assist Hannibal’s invasion of 218 BC. The Romans never forgot these indignities, and eventually crushed the Celt-Ligurians in 102 BC. The Oppidum, now in Aix’s northern suburbs, has echoed empty ever since.

Celt-Ligurian heads from the Oppidum d’Entremont

Aix’s Cathédrale-St-Sauveur was hagiographically founded by St Maximinius in the 1st century. According to legend, Maximinius had been the steward of Jesus’ family, but following the Crucifixion was cast adrift in a rudderless boat, with companions including Mary Magdalene – landing providentially at last on the coast of Provence. The cathedral has an atmospheric 6th century baptistery, Romanesque cloisters carved with beasts of the Revelation, and extraordinary 16th century west doors, showing four Old Testament prophets and 12 sibyls, pagan prophetesses who legendarily foretold Christ’s story. Its most famous artwork is a 1475-6 triptych of The Burning Bush painted by Avignon painter Nicholas Froment, commissioned by King René for his own tomb in Paris, but moved to Aix after the Revolution. The most striking statue on the Gothic west front is of St Mitre, a 5th century Greek farm labourer living in Provence, who was ironically convicted of witchcraft for making miracles come true. Undaunted by being decapitated, he picked up his head and carried it to Aix, where his relics would become a cultic cynosure, reputed to cure eye problems.

St Mitre, on the west front of Aix Cathedral

The Tapestry Museum in the former Bishop’s Palace has an array of tapestries from the 17th century onwards, showing dancers and grotesque creatures, and scenes from Don Quixote, including an armour-clad cat being undressed by adoring women. While we were there, it also had a temporary exhibition showing the lavish opera and theatrical costumes made by famous stage designer Patriche Cauchetier, who died in 2024 – a very suitable display of great ingenuity and interest, relics of an unabashedly elitist culture of fully-staged productions of classics commoner on the continent than in the UK.

Street puppet in the Museum of Old Aix

The Museum of Old Aix also has some costumes, plus furniture, pottery and a huge, naively painted screen showing scenes from the lavish processions of the Fête Dieu (Corpus Christi). Early 20th century street entertainers’ puppets glare blankly from a display case – like all puppets, faintly creepy when seen too close and under too much light. Provence is incidentally famous for the finely detailed figures called santons – dioramas and models of animals and humans originally designed for Christmas nativity displays, but long extended to depict many aspects of Provençal life. I noticed displays in museums and shop windows of santon scenes from the Camargue, farmyards, city streets, Vincent Van Gogh standing at his easel, and even Snow White as envisioned by Walt Disney.

Our trip coincided with the 81st anniversary of the Allied landings in Provence in 1944. France and America have often had differences in the postwar period, but the Americans are certainly remembered fondly for their vital part in the Liberation of France. One evening in Aix, we watched reenactors and World War Two vintage vehicles lining up in the Cours Mirabeau, in an array of American and French military uniforms, who then processed up the parade, preceded by bicycling gendarmes with Cross of Lorraine brassards, to a spontaneous round of applause – a wistful memory of a time when enemies were more obvious, and France more alive.

Avignon’s bridge and Papal Palace

Our first trip out from Aix was to Avignon, famous of course for its Pont, and as having hosted the Papacy between 1309 and 1378. To the famously danceable bridge, first of all – for centuries the only bridge to cross the Rhône between Lyons and the Mediterranean (although the bridge may have been built on the site of a Roman bridge), and bridging Provence to France proper. Originally 900 metres long when built in the 12th century, there are only four of its 22 original arches still standing following a disastrous flood in 1668 – like a broken finger pointing towards the halfway-over Île de Barthalasse over green waters glinting with perch. The great river swells with latent force, even in the languorous dogdays of August; it is unsurprising it has a Loch-Ness-like monster legend, of the Tarasque, a water dragon said to have been tamed by St Martha (sister of Mary Magdalene), an effigy of which is still carried in an annual folkloric-religious ceremony in the town of Tarascon. There are incidentally real-life leviathans in the river’s depths, in the form of the Wels (Siluris glanis), the European catfish, which can grow to 9.4 feet in length and 300 lbs in weight, eats waterfowl and is popularly suspected of taking swimming dogs or even children.

But the Palais des Papes is an even greater architectural distinction, for much of the 14th century home to the Pontiffs – a fortress-like structure dominating the Place du Palais, visible from everywhere in the city, the perfect hub for the walled old city. The French-born Pope Clement V (pontiff between 1305-1314) was invited to transfer the Papacy to Avignon by France’s King Philip IV (‘Philip the Fair,’ who reigned between 1285 and 1314). Rome had for some time been seriously unstable, but Philip also clearly saw advantages in having the Pope so close to his own borders, and under French influence. Clement was the first of seven Popes to rule from Avignon. His successor, Jean XXII (Pope 1316-1334), had previously been bishop of Avignon, so had no objections to remaining there, and his successor Benedict XII (Pope 1334-1342) showed his consent to the arrangement by beginning the building of the present Palais. Both were French, and seem to have been devotedly attached to their home-from-Rome, as noted by the Persian-American scholar Marzieh Gail:

From their aerial palace gardens they gazed down over plains and rounded hills, silver and green with olive trees. They watched the January snows on Mount Ventoux, and the planted fields walled with black cypresses and yellow cane against the wind. They could not leave. Their delights were all summed up in the wine of Beaune, which did not travel well. Petrarch says that the Cardinals, urged Romeward, would answer: ‘But Beaune is not there.’ (The Three Popes, Marzieh Gail, London: Robert Hale, 1969, p.16)

The massive Palais was luxuriantly appointed and furnished, and the city magnetised Europeans of all degrees and none, from royals in search of politico-spiritual support to criminals preying on the many wealthy or otherworldly visitors. Fourteenth century Popes accustomed to noble and reverential emissaries would probably have been startled or even affronted by the attire of many 21st century visitors to the Palais, in their earrings, flip-flops, shorts, tattoos, and T-shirts bearing such spiritual messages as “World’s Greatest Dad” or “Motorhead.”

The Holy See was finally returned to Rome in 1378 by Pope Gregory XI (Pope 1370-1378), although this was not without controversy. Stay-behind cardinals promptly elected their own Pope at Avignon, giving rise to what is called the Western Schism – during which yet another Pope was appointed at Pisa (Alexander V, widely regarded as legitimate during his short reign – 1409-1410 – but now officially an antipope).

The Palais has secret chambers in the floors with stone trapdoors, designed to hold treasure and important papers, while the vast kitchen with its central cooking fire hints at the scale of the catering. The great dining room known as the Grand Tinel saw countless feasts – which must sometimes have been rather strained affairs, judging from the fact that only the Pope was allowed to have a knife – and was also used for conclaves. Its library was famous across Europe, attracting Petrarch amongst many other scholars, artists and musicians. Petrarch worked at the Palais as an official, and it was supposedly at Avignon that he first saw his celebrated paramour, Laura, in the Chapelle St-Claire on 6 April, 1327 (part of which still survives) – for whom he spent the next 20 years writing anacreontics that were very influential on all European poetry.

Clement’s bedroom and study, with their oak and vine motifs, and hunting scenes, are almost the only rooms where the original décor has survived centuries of deterioration, and sacking during the French Revolution. Avignon remained a Papal enclave until 1791, when a Revolutionary mob demanding its full absorption into France attacked the Palais, and patriotically massacred some 60 royalists and religious in one of the towers. Later federalist and royalist insurrections in this generally conservative area would elicit further deadly reprisals.

The overall impression today is one of great severity, which made it a suitable venue for the works of the artist Jean-Michel Othoniel (b. 1964), who experiments with floral forms, mathematical and topological concepts. Huge strings of large Murano glass or metal beads, mostly in blue, purple and silver, were hanging in stairwells or from vaulted ceilings, looking like the spawn of the Tarasque, arranged in astronomical constellations, Borromean rings and ‘wild knots’ – very medieval conundrums, oddly effective in spaces that could otherwise have echoed empty.

Othoniel installation in the Papal Palace

Avignon beyond the bridge and Palais was almost bereft of people. On the way back to the train station along largely silent handsome streets, we ventured into the Musée Requien, to find an old friend. This is a small and pleasantly old-fashioned natural history museum, with informative typed labels rather than audio-guides or buttons to press. It has a good display of trilobites and a Tyrannosaurus skull, as well as 19th and early 20th century taxidermy. Taxidermy is always melancholy, but it was of its time, and played a part in early natural history, offering countless opportunities for examination of animal anatomy and morphology. The pinned insects and spiders were sad too, in their smaller way, but were made interesting for me by the fact many of them had been collected personally by Jean-Henri Fabre (1823-1915).

Like Michael Moorcock, Fabre must also assume some responsibility for my vacance. I had first heard of him as a teenager, through Gerald Durrell’s My Family and Other Animals, a favourite book of mine. Like Durrell, I became captivated by the Frenchman who was called the “Father of Entomology” – enmeshed by his Life of the Spider, a wonderfully enthusiastic as well as closely observant study of creatures that are too often detested and feared. It made other entomological treatises seem ploddingly pedantic, as his admirer Maurice Maeterlinck noted:

 [We] open the book without zest and without unreasonable expectations; and forthwith, from between the open leaves, there rises and unfolds itself, without hesitation, without interruption and almost without remission to the end of the four thousand pages, the most extraordinary of tragic fairy plays that it is possible for the human imagination, not to create or to conceive, but to admit and to acclimatize within itself. (Maurice Maeterlinck, introduction to 1912 translation of Life of the Spider)

Fabre’s spider book was just one part of an outpouring of writings written in a delightfully light style, combining serious natural history with classical and Provençal animal lore, united by the gifts of an instinctive essayist. He was also both devout, and something of a mathematician, seeing in evolution evidence of intelligent design. To him, spiders’ webs showed a grand kind of geometry, a divine dispensation manifested in logarithmic spirals. He was apparently a local curiosity around Avignon, where he taught in the school , teased by townspeople for lying in the gutter to watch ants – something for which he was once nearly arrested by a new gendarme, who only changed his mind when Fabre stood up, revealing the red Legion d’Honneur ribbon on his lapel. It was exciting to come across some of the great, humble man’s own specimens, in this quiet back street in a little visited museum – samples from the dawn of a new science.

Fabre was oddly unmentioned by the Rev. George Comerford Casey (1846-1912), a Fellow of both the Geographical and Linneaen Societies, whose anonymously published Riviera Nature Notes of 1898 is a charming evocation of Provence’s flora and fauna – presumably because Fabre had not then been translated. It is likely he would have found the Frenchman as congenial as he is himself.

Casey starts – appropriately for a clerical author – with the date palms that are still to be seen tied to balconies and front doors to mark Palm Sunday, but then goes to less welcomed creatures. He exults in the call of the cicada (a noise some find maddening) – “the Diva of the insect world,” he calls the cicada, an “Insect minstrel” whose melodies are “no modest drawing-room pieces, but a wild, fierce, passionate whirling chant, like that of the sun worshippers of old, as they danced intoxicated round the image of their god.” He tells of a species of snake that allegedly eats mosquitoes, and jokes – “Why should not some ophiologist introduce this serpent to the Riviera? The hotels might then advertise: ‘Snakes in every bedroom; no extra charge!” He records seeing a scorpion marooned on a rock in the middle of a rapid stream, but left it there, even though he knew Provençal scorpions were not deadly. He chortles, “To save the live of a Scorpion (or a lawyer) would be to push humanitarian principles to an absurd degree!” He muses on an old folk belief that people who have been bitten by tarantulas ever afterwards remain in the same mood and with the same thoughts as on the day they were bitten:

Perhaps there is an allegory concealed in the statement…It may well be that the Angel of Death hands each man over to the complete control of his ruling passion; and that we thus obtain for ever that which we have loved and longed for in this present state.

***

Vincent Van Gogh alighted in Arles in a snowstorm, and created over 300 masterpieces. We arrived in an opened oven-door blast of heat, and created nothing. But we were in search of similar things – beauty, heat and history – and fortunate Arles can provide all three. The city is famous for its Roman amphitheatre, one of the best preserved anywhere – and bullfighting, although increasingly these days non-lethal tauromachy (called the course camarguaise) when men try to snatch roses off the animals’ heads rather than killing them. These contests, which are held in the arena, are a rare example of continuity with the kinds of ‘entertainments’ that would have been seen there during the Roman presence. Thirty thousand spectators can be accommodated within its walls, much later including Picasso and Hemingway. Arles was the capital not just of Gaul, but also Hispania and Britannia, and even after the Western Empire fell long remained prosperous, thanks to shipping coming up the Rhône – especially when rivalrous Marseille was being blockaded in times of war.

Arles’ amphitheatre

Arles was later a celebrated centre of Christian learning and power. St Caesarius was bishop of the city from 503-543, during a period when the Burgundians, Franks. Ostrogoths and Visigoths were all vying for control of the region, and he was credited with ensuring the eventual triumph of the Frankish party and stabilising the local Church. He was notably ascetic; as a young cellarer on the island of Lérins off the coast of Provence, he had decided that the meals given to monks were too large, so reduced all rations accordingly.  It is perhaps not coincidental that he left soon afterwards for Arles. He was also an effective preacher and prolific writer, and the first non-Pope to be allowed to wear the Papal pallium – an ecclesiastical vestment consisting of a white woollen band adorned with six black crosses, worn around the neck. It is thought that St Augustine of Canterbury was consecrated as Archbishop of Canterbury in Arles in 597, following the success of his mission to England. The city’s Roman necropolis, known as Les Alyscamps, was for centuries regarded as the most hallowed burial place in all Christendom; until well into medieval times, coffins of the recently deceased from upstream districts would be floated down by their families to Arles for interment.

Romanesque carvings at the Eglise St-Trophime

The principal Christian sight in Arles today is the Église St-Trophime, standing unobtrusively on the present Place de la République. Closer examination reveals some of the best Romanesque carving in the world – a 12th century Last Judgement, with the naked and chained damned going down on one side, and robed blessed ascending on the opposite, heralded by angel musicians. There are yet more Romanesque extravagances in the beautiful cloisters, including wildly staring monks, rampant animals, and St Martha with her tamed Tarasque – feverish fantasies frozen as surreal backdrop for sandwich-eating trippers and twittering sparrows.

***

Aix, Arles and Avignon felt distinctly provincial, as we walked warily down steep streets from Marseille’s Estacio de Autobuses towards the harbour, picking our way fastidiously between manic traffic, shining sputum, urine stains, piles of flyblown rubbish, and Arabic conversations. Many of the buildings were stately indeed, but flaking and stained, clearly unloved by anyone. Marseille was, we had been warned, a dangerous city, an unrestful one, a place of pickpocketing and even violence. We had expected little less, judging from the gang tags and graffiti that disfigured so many suburban buildings on our approach into the city  – even on very high buildings, when the vandals’ lives must surely have been in danger.

Marseille has often been a radical city. It embraced the Revolution with such vigour that the song sung by its excited volunteers in the streets of Paris (originally written to boost the morale of the faltering Army of the Rhine) would become known as ‘La Marseillaise.’ A half-hearted counter-revolution in the city in 1793 was put down with savage force by outraged citoyens, and in revenge the Revolutionary general briefly renamed the city Ville sans nom (‘City without a name’). It took several years before Marseille was forgiven its lapse into realism, symbolised by the formal adoption in 1795 of ‘La Marseillaise’ as France’s first national anthem. The city would be a red flag-flying Communard stronghold in 1871, constituency of the radical politician (and future Prime Minister) Léon Gambetta, and the site of Corbusier’s Unité d’habitation, the world’s first Brutalist building. After Algerian independence in 1962, the disgruntled repatriated white settlers known as the pieds noirs settled in the city in large numbers – uneasy neighbours to the many North Africans who also began arriving at that time.

Untold millions of Euros have been spent on the city in recent decades, especially while it was European City of Culture in 2013, with much stress laid on its multicultural character – but there is not much evidence of all this expenditure outside the small central area, let alone any signs of social integration. This was the only place in Provence we saw the CRS on patrol – the Corps Republicaine Securité, the toughest of the various French police divisions, responsible for riot control – and our two days in the city were often punctuated by fire engine sirens, as les pompiers charged past on their way to their next emergency. Some apparent locals looked tough in their own right – burly and capable-looking men emptying bins and driving taxis, who may all once voted Communist, but are now probably for Le Pen.

Ghost ships at Marseille’s Roman port

Founded around 600 BC by Greeks fleeing Persian aggression in Asia Minor, the city became a hugely important port, trading upriver or by sea as far as the Baltic. It remained important under the Romans, until 49 BC when the city unwisely preferred Pompey’s cause to Caesar’s – leading to serious repercussions at the hands of the victorious Caesar. But Marseille’s position meant it could not long be kept down, and the city’s Musée Histoire has a remarkable display on the site of the Roman port, including the impressive remains of two large Roman rafts, preserved on the spot they were found, along with quay walls, amphorae, anchors and huge chunks of masonry. The sculptured outlines of ghost ships await ghost crews and ghost winds against a backdrop of buses and office blocks.

Vieux Port

The Vieux Port is magnificent – a sea of yacht masts cradled in a natural basin, entered between the two forts built by Louis XIV to subdue the restive townspeople. The commercial port lies slightly to the north – so the basin is purely for pleasure, as elegantly accoutred weekend sailors step off €1m craft to find fine restaurants, luckily still serving Marseille’s most famous foodstuff, the fish soup, bouillabaisse. Mullet and crabs tryst around mooring ropes leading down through bobbing rubbish and dumped e-bikes into classical maritime history, in blissful ignorance of humans’ hungers. Ferries tote tourists out to the Chateau d’If, or further, to the calanques – deep sea inlets that are characteristic of this coast, beautiful, protected refuges from the press and rush and dirt of the city.

High on its hill (531 feet above sea level), Notre-Dame-de-la-Garde, the city’s symbol, was unfortunately obscured by scaffolding. It beckoned even though, even on an airless August evening, and so I toiled my way up there without a street map, winding always upwards, along increasingly quiet and desirable streets, with expensive Citroens in the driveways of lovely villas – roads of high hedges, private lycées, and stone stairs frequented by geckos and outsize grasshoppers. There were times I regretted my impulse, especially near the top, where the houses and even vegetation fell away and the great church seemed to stand all alone in a barren and unforgiving Golgotha, through which crumbling and uneven steps wound upwards unshaded like one last test for pilgrims.

These were probably the same steps taken at a rush by the 2nd and 7th Algerian Tirailleurs on the 25th of August 1944, as they battled up towards the German garrison. A shell fired down from the basilica hit a Free French tank called the Jeanne d’Arc, incinerating three of its crew. Those Germans surrendered the same day, but World War Two had not quite done with the building, as it came under fire for two days more from other German positions in the city, with shrapnel scars still visible on the stonework.

But there were pilgrims there at Notre Dame that evening, even as the church was closing up – hundreds of people milling around on the outside terraces, taking in the inspiring prospects of the city far below. I marvelled at their apparent freshness as I gulped down water from a vending machine. I was less impressed – and felt repulsively virtuous – to find that there was an easy road up, with dozens of buses and cars awaiting those they had brought.

It was not until the following day that I had the chance to see inside the great basilica, built between 1853 and 1893, on the site of a 13th century chapel. Its monumental outline, its tower surmounted with its gold Madonna and Child, has featured on tourist ware ever since inception, but it is inside that its emotional significance becomes clear. France was notoriously anti-clerical even in the 19th century, and Marseille has always been one of France’s most radical (and now also Islamic) towns – but Notre Dame still offers spiritual solace to at least some Marseillais and Marseillaise.

Some Protestants would sniff, but the lavish interior is wonderfully adorned with ex-votos donated by worshippers who wished to express their gratitude for deliverance from some danger or illness. The walls are covered with paintings and other artworks depicting house fires escaped, once-afflicted limbs, sailed-on ships, and flown-in aircraft, while beautifully detailed models dangle down from the vault (many others are in a museum downstairs). These are touching testaments by true believers, to ghostly physicians and guardian angels they believed (and believe) are still watching over us, even in an era of unbelief – true faith helicoptered into the 20th and even 21st centuries. I felt I liked those unknown people much more than the boorish show-off I noticed shuffling along the aisles wearing a T-shirt bearing the un-churchlike, even inhuman, enquiry, “Do I look like a fucking people person?” Some people will do anything to assert their alleged individuality.

Back down the hill is the very different church of Abbaye St-Victor, originally part of a 5th century monastery built on a burial ground for martyrs, most notably Victor of Marseille, who according to legend was a Roman army officer beheaded in 290 for kicking over a statue of Jupiter. (“Some people will do anything to assert their alleged individuality”!) One ex-Abbot would become Pope Urban V, one of the Avignon popes. Externally, the church resembles a fortress, which it needed to be, on this site outside the city walls. Some of the walls are ten feet thick, layered and strengthened between the 10th and 12th centuries. The nave is cool darkness, lifted only by sanctuary lamp and shrine lights – but the real interest of the church is in the crypt, a complex of old arches, little chapels and walkways, with some sarcophagi going back to the late Roman era.

In the crypt of the Abbaye St-Victor
Roman sarcophagus in the crypt of the Abbaye St-Victor

Ancient though the Abbaye is, it feels callow in comparison with the Cosquer Cave. The actual Cosquer Cave is unfortunately inaccessible to everyone except licensed divers – its entrance now around 100 feet under water, although the cave itself is dry. But it was possible for Palaeolithic people to walk into the cave – and they did, until slowly rising sea levels made it first difficult to use, and eventually to fall out of memory. Then in 1985, a speleologist-diver named Henri Cosquer daringly went into an underwater tunnel in the cliff of the Calange de Morgiou, and surfaced into a prehistoric art gallery. We can visit this vicariously thanks to an amazing reconstruction on the northern bank of the Vieux Port, in a fine modern building cantilevered over the water.

Between around 27,000 BC and 19,000 BC, people drew and painted in the cave – everyday animals, and piquant outlines of their own hands. Most of the animals they depicted would not be visible now in this region – bison, seals, beautifully detailed wild horses – and at least one is not visible anywhere, the great auk, in prehistoric times a common seabird around European shores (and origin of our word ‘penguin’), but now extinct, with the last recorded specimens beaten to death off Iceland in 1844. Visitors are transported around the ‘cave’ in electric carts, but the trip is more immersive than it probably sounds, thanks to the scale and detail of the reconstruction, worked out to the smallest stalagmite. There is a palpable sense of the mystery and wonder of the prehistoric cave – a space not just to shelter and sleep, but also a theatre for the early human imagination. Above, in the contrastingly bright exhibit hall, are life size models of some of the many animals which the cave dwellers would have – elk, aurochs, lions and saiga antelopes – seeming in that white space to hover like avatars of ancient bioabundance.

***

As we rumbled along a baking and narrow road in our 4×4, I was thinking of a painting I remembered from childhood – ‘Bee-eaters in the rain,’ by Abel Chapman (1851-1929). Chapman, son of a Sunderland wine merchant, was an artist-hunter-conservationist instrumental in the foundation of Spain’s Cota Doñana nature reserve, and preventing the Spanish ibex from becoming extinct. He travelled all over the world, and was friends with the likes of Frederick Selous, the explorer and soldier who was the model for H. Rider Haggard’s ‘Allan Quatermain,’ and after whom the Rhodesian Army named their elite unit, the Selous Scouts.

‘Bee-Eaters in the Rain’ had been in another favourite book of my youth – Chapman’s Memories of Fourscore Years Less Two, published posthumously in 1930. It was just one of many fine oils, created in places from the Arctic to the Serengeti, showing such spectacles as lions roaring across the Serengeti and wildebeest migrating across the Rift Valley. One of the many places Chapman had visited in his full life was the Camargue, where he had painted this group of claret, turquoise and yellow birds flitting gorgeously through gentle grey rain, which had somehow suggested to my childish mind the vast marshes and salt-spits of the delta.

But it was not these we had come to see on our Camargue ‘safari,’ let alone Moorcock’s ornithopters. We were in search of a bird almost as fantastical to northern European eyes – the thousands of flamingos who lend Alice in Wonderland surrealism to France’s southernmost saltmarshes.

A rice irrigation channel

The Camargue, islanded between two branches of the Rhône and the sea, is divided into two parts by a large lagoon, the Étang de Vaccarès – the highly fertile north, and the barren but beautiful south. France is one of only five European countries that grows rice, and it is only the Camargue that can produce it – thanks to an elaborate irrigation system built up over centuries, diverting river waters across vast levels swept clean by Provence’s many distinctive winds – the Mistral and Tramontane (from the north), the Levant (from the east),  and the Marin and Sirocco (from the south). The rice-fields feel very ‘foreign’ – flat, large, and darkly green with the crop just coming, and in between them elephant grass, reeds, tinkling channels and runnels of warm Rhône disappearing into pipes to pass under little roads. Flamingos sometimes descend into these fields, to the disgust of farmers, but the only animals we saw were crimson dragonflies and large lizards (most likely the Common Wall Lizard) which only moved when you were almost standing on them. Rice is not cheap to produce – it requires huge quantities of fresh water, and maintenance of countless irrigation channels and sluices – but Camargue riz can command a premium, whether on the shelves of the Arles branch of Monoprix, or far-away Waitrose.

As well as flamingos, the Camargue is known for black bulls and white horses. There are two kinds of black bulls in the Camargue – the Provençal and the Brava, the former lucky enough to be exempted from lethal bullfights. They live in semi-feral conditions under the huge skies, roaming largely at liberty, munching whatever they can find – in appearance as well as habits akin to the buffalo one finds wandering along back roads in India (although with a more peppery temperament).

They are marshalled, when they are marshalled, by gardians (guardians) – ‘cowboys’ who traditionally rode the aforementioned white horses, and around whom there accreted many equestrian and folk customs. Gardians have been present for centuries, predating even the foundation of the brotherhood known as the Confrérie des Gardians in 1512, but they received greater prominence during the 19th and early 20th century Provençal cultural renaissance led by Frédéric Mistral, which drew national attention to the region (the word gardian only passed into national circulation in the 20th century).

Traditional gardian garb includes trilby-type hats, highly coloured shirts and ties, moleskin waistcoats, light trousers and high boots, and they would carry a long thumb-stick for controlling the cattle. They lived in thatched windowless cottages, sometimes with a rounded northern end to blunt the force of the Mistral, with bulls’ horns set above the door to ward off evil spirits. There are around 2,500 gardians today, still playing a vital agricultural role, but also putting on bull and horse spectacles for tourists.

The horses they ride are born black or brown, and only turn white in their third or fourth year. Like the cattle, they are semi-feral, living outdoors all year round, and are renowned for spiritedness. Seen en masse, they can be majestic, even poetical, as Roy Campbell observed in ‘Horses on the Camargue:’

In the grey wastes of dread,
The haunt of shattered gulls where nothing moves
But in a shroud of silence like the dead,
I heard a sudden harmony of hooves,
And, turning, saw afar
A hundred snowy horses unconfined,
The silver runaways of Neptune’s car
Racing, spray-curled, like waves before the wind.
Sons of the Mistral, fleet
As him with whose strong gusts they love to flee,
Who shod the flying thunders on their feet
And plumed them with the snortings of the sea…

The horses we saw were less thunderous. Some were wonderfully earthy, leaning over gates to take from us long grasses they couldn’t reach themselves – their hot breath, tiny hairs and sharp intoxicating tang rising to mingle with smells of dung, mud, old water and the sea, their deep brown eyes blinking as if in sorrow at the flies. We encountered strings of them bearing tourists, clopping along dusty roads lined with holm oaks, juniper and tamarisk, or saw them from further away on the beaches, half-in-half-out of the water – samite steeds sometimes looking disconnected from the earth as temperature inversions hid parts of their bodies.

That storied water, entered from crispy, hot and shell-strewn sand – brackish, shallow, soft, warm, bedded with slime, smelling of salt and more faintly of guano, washing up tiny pink feathers from the dozens of flamingos that hovered and hoovered further out, placing clumsy feet precisely, sieving tiny shrimp like the ones that raced away from my feet, using those croquet-mallet beaks that so captured Lewis Carroll’s imagination. They sieved and stalked, sieved and stalked, on the edge of Europe and imagination, like visitors from some other planet, coming in and out of focus as the air shimmered around them and us as we stewed in the giant salt-pan of the South – an actualisation of a vision of youth, evoked even now by the three still mud-stained feathers I picked up and pocketed, before me now on my desk – functional agglomerations of keratin proteins but also magical passports.

Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer is curiously un-Camargue-like – like so many seaside settlements in its feeling of insubstantiality and precariety, but attractive – unlike many seaside settlements elsewhere. Many of the central buildings are home to ice-cream shops and the like, except for the handsome Église des Saintes-Maries, fortified in the 14th century against pirate attacks, and with its own water supply – a church literally militant, used to defend villagers while pirates rampaged outside. In the crypt is the swarthy effigy of Sarah – according to legend Egyptian servant to Jesus’s aunt, who after coming ashore on the Camargue with her and other New Testament characters set about preaching the Gospel with rare eloquence and vigour.

Sarah’s ‘Egyptianness’ means she even now exerts a powerful attraction on devout gypsies (who were themselves long thought to originate from Egypt), who ever since the 16th century have piled into town each May to do her honour with a grand festival. Sarah’s statue, and those of her equally charmed companions, are carried down to the sea, accompanied by mounted gardians in full traditional garb, amid guitarists, singers, tambourinists and the clangour of church bells, all of this blessed by the bishop aboard a bobbing fishing boat – a colourful and melodious memory of a long ago legendary landing.

It was quieter in late August, sitting alone in the evening on the apex of the church’s gently sloping roof. I looked north through haze towards the rice-fields and Arles, east towards La Crau and the Riviera, west towards Montpellier and the Languedoc, and far south beyond the umbrella-studded little beach to the sighing Gulf of Lion. It was a memorable last misty vista, a farewell to a legendary landing of my own. Provence was already slipping back into story.

The Last Man on Mars

PAUL DEANE is a computational linguist by profession and a poet by avocation. Since 1999, he has edited Forgotten Ground Regained, a website and (since 2023) a quarterly journal devoted to modern English alliterative verse. Three of his poems appear in Dennis W. Wise’s 2023 anthology, Speculative Poetry and the Modern Alliterative Revival: A Critical Anthology

Author’s Note: This poem was inspired by Zach and Kelly Weinersmith’s Hugo-Award-winning book, A City on Mars, and commemorates in advance the fate of a Mars colony planted in the spirit of “move fast and break things”. Its form is an updated version of Old English alliterative verse (what the author calls “tail-stave meter”) in which alliteration is keyed to the end of the line. When you read it, you will no doubt notice multiple allusions to the 1960s and 1970s, when I came of age. I first read The Lord of the Rings at age 11, when one of my father’s co-workers gave me a copy. Not long after, I was assiduously reading science fiction and fantasy – Asimov and Heinlein, Patricia McKillip and Tanith Lee. 2001: A Space Odyssey was one of the first adult movies I remember watching. That was an era that anticipated futures that are now looking all too real, which is what this poem is about. A sound file of ‘Last Man on Mars’ follows:

The Last Man on Mars

They told us to volunteer. We had what it took,

or so they said. We were the new settlers

on the Final Frontier, that bold fiction

that made Captain Kirk (not Musk) our king.

Only the best and the brightest could hope to beat

such terrible odds so far from Earth

and reclaim a world from its long wasting.


The rockets thundered. We sat enthroned

on rising prayer and the pulse of peril.

Orbiting outward, we followed an arc

that ate up years – but we were young,

self-proclaimed heroes, harbingers of hope.

Our landers disgorged metal golems

whose open maws swallowed mountains.

Caverns and domes drew the city of our dreams,

our eternal Rome, our new Jerusalem.


But the rooms were cold, miscarriages common.

In the face of famine, supply ships were few.

We found that Mars made a harsh mistress

and fought for freedom but ran short of fuel.

Our overlords learned that asteroids are easier,

a better investment that never revolts.

But robot miners need direction,

so our Olympian citadel is server central,

and here I sit on the dead-man’s switch,

lest Hal come, drawn from some dark dream,

                              and say, “I am sorry, Dave –”

Anthony Powell – a century’s chronicler-conjuror

Dance to the Music of Time, by Nicholas Poussin (c.1640)

A framed letter faces me on the desk as I write this. Composed in an engaging mix of spidery longhand and erratic manual-typewriting, with a rubber-stamped phone number giving it a further touch of the haphazard, dated September 1992, it reads:

Dear Mr. Sandford

I am delighted you like Dance well enough to want more, but I have always set me [sic] face against doing any sort of coda after I finished, because even while I was writing, it was difficult enough to keep the same tone of voice, and now that I am so ancient it would be quite impossible. All the same, kind of you to ask.

Yours sincerely

Anthony Powell

PS I expect you know Hilary Spurling’s Handbook to a Dance (Heinemann), which is very good and amusing.

It was the beginning of a modest correspondence I kept up with Powell, author of the magisterial 12-novel sequence A Dance to the Music of Time – the last volume of which appeared a blink-of-an-eye half-century ago, in September 1975 – during the remaining eight years of his life. He would have been 86 at the time of our initial exchange, and by all accounts was becoming increasingly crotchety, not least in the matter of the correct pronunciation of a name he insisted should rhyme with ‘bowl’, not ‘trowel’.

One freezing January morning later in the 1990s, a plumber answered an urgent call to attend to a burst pipe at a large Georgian house in the English countryside near Bath. An elderly man dressed in tweed answered the door.

“Mr. Powell?” asked the plumber, pronouncing it Pow-ell.

“There is no one here of that name,” replied the old man.

“Oh, sorry,” said the plumber. “I must be at the wrong house.”

“I can’t help you,” said the old man.

The plumber then drove around the frozen neighbourhood before being told that Anthony Powell did indeed live in the house he had just visited. So he returned.

The same man opened the door. This time the plumber enquired, “Does a Mr. Powell live here?” “No,” the elderly gentleman said. “However, do you mean Pole?” The plumber nodded. “Ah! Then go round to the back door, the leak is in the kitchen.”

This is surely a scene that could have been torn direct from the pages of Dance, peopled as it is by a cast of louche London artistic types, colourful military coves and eccentric English landed squires. The sequence has been described as everything from “Proust anglicised” to “a kind of social accountancy, and not much more enlivening than the financial sort.” Evelyn Waugh’s son Auberon (of whom more presently) thought the whole thing no more than “an early upmarket TV soap.” PG Wodehouse, by contrast, was “absolutely stunned by [Powell’s] artistry.” Fifty years later, the critical divide persists. Powell’s magnum opus has become an odd sort of cult work, its reputation kept alive not just by the devotees who have loved or still love it – among them Christopher Hitchens, Stephen King and Clive James, who called Dance “the best modern novel since Ulysses” – but by those who love to hate it and consider the whole thing a testament to staleness.

I’m in the supporters’ camp. Taken as a whole, the Dance’s twelve-book sequence strikes me as an unsurpassable panorama of a vanished Britain, and – lest you not yet have made its acquaintance – an almost chemically addictive joy to read; hence my brazen request of its author for more of the same. But here’s a curious thing. As I say, I had the pleasure of corresponding with and meeting Powell himself, and have read and re-read both his novels and the various biographies, particularly the aforesaid Hilary Spurling’s, and yet the more one comes to learn about the man the more elusive he seems to be as a flesh-and-blood human being – not to mention one whose life took him from a lonely and nomadic boyhood at around the time of the First World War to the twilight years spent as an obsessive genealogist and high-and-dry Tory who, almost incredibly, survived long enough to see in the twenty-first century. All I can add by way of a physical sketch is that in person Powell was compact, immaculately turned out in a manner that seemed to have been frozen in place since about the year 1933, with a piercing stare under incongruously untidy eyebrows, and a sharp, nasal voice that was close to a comic turn in itself.

Anthony Powell in 1934

On the other hand, in a canonical work full of shadows, as Powell nearly wrote in Books Do Furnish a Room, certain characters are bound to be shadowy. There is the superbly detached role, to cite only the most obvious example, he gives his alter ego Nick Jenkins, the narrator of A Dance to the Music of Time. Both the author and his fictional self seem to have gone through life as scrupulously neutral observers of the human condition, rarely if ever offering a declarative judgement on people or events, let alone asserting their own identities. There’s a section in the early wartime novel The Valley of Bones, about midway through the whole sequence, where Jenkins’s wife Isobel suddenly goes into labour with the couple’s first child, an event she announces with the line: ‘Look here, I’m sorry to have to call attention to myself at this moment, but I’m feeling awfully funny. I think perhaps I’d better go to my room.’ This same sense of supreme self-effacement applied equally to the author who gave her the lines to speak, who himself once said, ‘I have absolutely no clear picture of myself’, and confessed that he began writing shortly after coming down from Oxford in large part because he couldn’t think of anything else to do, rather than due to any particular aptitude or talent.

With respect to that judgement, it strikes me as taking diffidence to unnatural lengths, if not to qualify Powell as a martyr to false modesty. Taken as a whole, Dance is a fiendishly intricate literary feat, which its author carries off throughout the whole 3,000-page, million-word sequence as it passes over some sixty years of English social history, conveyed through perfectly ordinary (which is to say, often absurd) situations rather than conventional drama. It remains a singular, and brilliantly sustained, achievement of twentieth-century letters. Powell himself, as conveyed by his biographers, may be retiring to the point of near invisibility, but his great roman fleuve more than once touches the artistic heights occupied by P G Wodehouse and Evelyn Waugh.

Yes, to address a frequently heard opinion of the Dance sequence, there are moments where the prose is arid and the terminology fustily dated. Powell’s characters adopt “sun spectacles”, for example, when finding themselves in “not wholly inclement climes”, or travel on that “uncomfortable but commodious conveyance” the Clapham omnibus. It might be said that the author sometimes makes heavy work of simply getting the reader from A to B. When introducing the minor character Rosie Manasch, a patron of the arts who emerges in the tenth installment of the series, Books Do Furnish a Room, Powell notes: “In the course of further preliminary conclaves with Bagshaw on the subject of Fission’s first number, mention was again made of an additional personage, a woman, who was backing the magazine.”

Or, of a pair of MPs, Labour and Conservative, meeting at a funeral described in the same book: “The two had gravitated together in response to that immutable law of nature which rules that the whole confraternity of politicians prefers to operate within the closed circle of its own initiates, rather than waste time with outsiders; differences of party and opinion having little or no bearing upon the preference.”

The Dance, then, may have an old-fashioned roll to it, but beyond the occasional dowager style Powell’s genius was surely to sustain a vibrant, and highly credible, self-contained imaginative world. Some of the series’ individual performers recur from book to book, going on from school to university, their careers interweaving, marrying, divorcing, fighting for their country, haunting the rackety dives of postwar Soho, and finally catching up with life in the hedonistic, culturally vapid 1970s. As anyone who’s ever written a novel will tell you, it’s hard enough to plausibly develop even a single life over any protracted amount of time. Powell does this for literally scores of deftly sketched, sometimes honourable, not infrequently comic, invariably compelling leading characters, appearing and disappearing and then reappearing at intervals, all in perfectly logical order, guiding us from the Great War to the moon landings in the process, with the subordinate cast, typically drawn from the English literary or artistic demi-monde, providing the crucial ballast.

In short, Powell’s achievement is that of the architect as well as the author. The delicate slapstick of events is slowly drawn together, the apparent coincidences and chance reunions never less than true to life, the touch exquisitely light in its sardonic treatment of the material.  Here is Powell’s doppelgänger Nick Jenkins, musing in a rare moment of intellectual candour, in the third book of the sequence The Acceptance World:

I began to brood on the complexity of writing a novel about English life, a subject difficult enough to handle with authenticity even of a crudely naturalistic sort, even more to convey the inner truth of the things observed … Intricacies of social life make English habits unyielding to simplification, while understatement and irony – in which all classes of this island converse – upset the normal emphasis of reported speech.

As often noted, Powell’s opus is really a form of elegant soap opera, with cyclical themes and characters, and an infallible knack – the envy of many a television screenwriter – of ending each episode with a crisis. (Powell spent the winter of 1936-37 script-doctoring in Hollywood for Warner Brothers, an experience, however venal, he later admitted was invaluable ‘when one came to the engineering’ of Dance.) When the series’ narrator joins the army in 1939, he is promptly assigned to the corrosive Kenneth Widmerpool, his school contemporary of twenty years earlier. The physically clumsy, socially tone-deaf Widmerpool then returns at intervals in each of the remaining novels of the series, variously translated from soldier to businessman to MP to university chancellor-cum-pagan cultist, a figure at once ludicrous and sinister, and taken as a whole one of the great comic ogres of 20th century literature. It says something for Powell’s artistry that there was intense competition among his circle to be publicly identified as the model for a character synonymous with the harsh and manipulative use of power, the author’s brother-in-law Lord Longford laying the strongest claim, but the likes of Powell’s wartime chief Denis Capel-Dunn, the richly-tinted jurist and latterly Lord Chancellor, Reginald Manningham-Buller, the art historian Gerald Reitlinger, and even the sometime Tory prime minister Ted Heath all making a persuasive bid for consideration.

If not exactly required reading these days, Powell’s masterpiece remains one of Western literature’s enduring feats, and might even be one of the few things that nurtures an awareness of an older, more reticent England, not dead, perhaps, but gone into hiding until the present tabloid version self-destructs. The author himself lived long enough to see such bracing developments in British life as the advent of punk rock and of Sarah, Duchess of York, as well as a modern idiom in which domestics would come to refer to assaults, not servants – all recorded in his wonderfully mordant late-life diaries. A modest man with a profound dislike of reckless informality and self-promotion, Powell continued working almost until the end, publishing the final volume of his Journals in 1997, not long before Channel 4 finally succeeded in bringing a seven-hour version of his magnum opus to television screens. He once told me in characteristic tones that he was “not wholly unsatisfied” by the Dance sequence (in written, if not screen format) as a whole. It remains good literary fun, like all the best fiction a brilliantly contrived escape from the banality of the real world. The author Michael Frayn perhaps put it best when he recalled of stumbling on Powell for the first time: “It was like discovering a complete civilisation – and not in some remote valley of the Andes or the Himalayas, but in the midst of my own life … Another world had been superimposed upon my own, refracting and reflecting it.”

As mentioned, Powell brought his opus to a triumphant conclusion with its final installment, Hearing Secret Harmonies, as long ago as September 1975, and resisted all overtures to revive it from behind its marble slab at any point during the remaining quarter-century of his life. That decision notwithstanding, the years in question were far from without interest for him. Apart from turning out a stream of increasingly free-form reviews and memoirs, Powell found himself at the age of 84 embroiled in one of those explosive literary feuds the English seem to do almost as well as their genius for the political sex scandal, and which itself might have graced the pages of Dance. His adversary in the matter was Evelyn Waugh’s eldest son, Auberon, who published a damning review of Powell’s latest volume of memoirs in the Sunday Telegraph, a paper to which they were both long-time contributors. When the moment came, Hilary Spurling would pass lightly over the incident in her official life of her subject by taking what could be called the psychological approach to the whole affair. Waugh Jr, she writes, had himself not long beforehand published a memoir,

…contain[ing] a scary portrait of Evelyn as a monstrous egoist who regarded all his sons, and this one in particular, as rivals to be snubbed, derided and put down. Even in his own distress, Powell regarded young Auberon’s response [to his book] as essentially vicarious, the vengeful product of a largely loveless childhood.

Be that as it may, Powell went ballistic, severing his relations with the Telegraph, who rather bizarrely commissioned a bust of their departing eminence grise but then found they had nowhere to put it. It perched for a while on an office filing cabinet. The Powells and the Waughs never spoke again. Somehow, the whole episode could once again have been taken from one of those darkly comic contemplations of the postwar London literary scene that enliven Books Do Furnish a Room, the tenth and in my judgement best individual installment of the Dance.

Anthony Powell was that highly overused word, unique. The room he occupied in the mansion of English literature was distinct, located on a level where no one else regularly ascended, although Evelyn Waugh might be said to have inhabited broadly the same space. Any reader not yet familiar with the Dance, widely available today in various formats, should treat themselves to one or more of its volumes immediately. The dozen subsidiary novels, so beautifully written, so riotously entertaining, for all their pervasive air of English melancholy and social decay, are the work of a master of his craft. We have not his equal.