Blackheath

Nobody wanted proper light they want to be in the dark, they liked it, they liked

the little cupboardsTo live a story written in invisible ink, painted in

abstract arcs, but atmospheric, poignant, calm, devastating . . .  Perhaps this

could never happen except in some strange half-apprehension inside?


Hurtling the elevated course[i]

viaducts arching forwards

headlong,

cable-ducting streaming a frantic pulse

while gantries blink at signals vanishing 

gaps before speech

no time to question

twelve tracks in unison, dividing, merging,

aimed reckless

– a geometric exaltation –

at the sharp radius, weed-ragged triangle

of Borough Market Junction

(slow thunder amongst the attics),

braking will have its moment, but now is not it,

now is acceleration,

exploding through the jumbled visual inundation

of miraculous panoramas vaunting the compass

to praise and shun

from slum to gentrification’s skyward balconies

skewed bridges over stalled clutter

horns accusing each other  

St. James’ Bermondsey[ii] – foregrounded – is granted time,

Tower Bridge Road is not.

Scaling steel and dazzle of glass, mirror and kaleidoscope

the solid eras from which they took insolent flight,

splintering visions into the grey-green river’s tidal swell.

Cannon Street or Charing cross . . . default to London Bridge:

this sublime chaos has been overripe for a century,

between the essence of specific words

changing with the hour

the light, the region of Europa, the confident stairways.

Did the bombing try to neaten things or only add another density?

Followed by two or three decades of hopefulness[iii]

(in retrospect overstated, deluded),

soon came the point where things went subtly

yet more incurably wrong. 


More than anything, landscape had always given him freedom. Uninsistent.

It had no care for the human world.

All that dialogue, phrasing, signature, soundwave, all that need and frustration:

it made no impression. It missed almost everything.


Censor the didactic rant to puzzle on the outpourings of runic graffiti

ipton’s Tea, the finest the world produces

disrupting or expanding Deptford Broadway

bloated Arabian Nights or a portal to secret cults

conspiracy conflations overrunning all others

horror sunflowers with erotic intent

Eine Kleine Nachtmusik[iv] is not the genre

nor boombox cars racing their decibels

no wardrobes or courtyards conceal the past

for the hangars of wire are all a-rattle with nothing 

nothing visible

and the indulgence expanding from self-control,

intensifying experience to give a purpose,

rings artificial,

yet undoubtably the ancient and the medieval

exhale through every area of wood or raven black

and transitory 21st century towers alike suggest demise and the diagonal

upon which the air itself will carry their dust

their stone tapes[v] into the clouds and colours

as though history is more than dead structures and the fabrications of books

is rather the ether itself (as some claim love is truth and truth is love)

behind and above all terminal, worn out, buzzing industry

this daily to and fro of mindlessness

the impatient global death-wish.


Take Courage at the Amersham Arms by the double red lines:

I did and I didn’t – no alcohol passed my lips

chalk on the wet wood around the shadow of alphabets

all of these corrections

and all of these failings[vi]

echo from the mesh fence over New Cross station

expectant platforms freed from rush hour below

looking south to Hastings (theoretically),

taste the wash of the tide and the rush of shingle

briefly fade the queue of danger lights shining on bin bags

the pierce of brakes . . .

what first impressions from a precarious pushchair!

boys will be . . . what we teach them to be[vii],

as this mental brass rubbing, struggles corridors into distances

angles waking from the dormant

tries staves to support a cloven harmony.


Obviously, it wasn’t good to have all this contempt. It wasn’t kind.

Even to wish for a magic wand to wave up another life . . .

the lodge house on a disused drive . . .

Only he would ever open the gates between the trees. High ornate gates that would

symbolically exclude or welcome –

if occasionally he felt expansive towards the outside world.


Roadworks now upon the winding hill

funnel the yellow box junction overlooked

by that endless fight of George and Dragon

good versus evil or more complex alchemy?[viii]

From a smile to the left, other soundscapes flow

reducing plastic vehicles to a whispering haze

mind-manacled time zones intersect and cancel

hint forms, images, prospects

even narrative

from tilted rooms fumed with exhaust

from fenced corridors under bamboo screen and radar dish,

stunted palms and arrowslit windows

from country villas stranded in their rowdy future

dilapidated, behind railing and creeper

preceding 40s flats . . . perhaps? (they have a rectilinear austerity).

The projection may be drab 

but climbing Blackheath Hill toward the grass, drought-widening common 

its balconies are not stale,

filled with town and country,

their musics drift above the heavy traffic

the stop and start of hybrid buses

the slant of dreams and aspirations in many languages . . .


“If you can’t satisfy yourself, how can you satisfy anyone else?” runs the wise phrase,

the target of self-knowledge, bow and arrow, individualist parade.

The only trouble being: who but the ignorant, the arrogant or the lucky, can ever

satisfy themselves?


Higher, as the plateau begins to break,

wooded commons buffer zones of peace

where red shuttered bays remember green wartime garages,

until a siren sounds from 80 years past

loud enough to wake Wat Tyler[ix] from his abysmal mooring

reduced to a road sign,

loud enough to date other more recent subjectivities

garnered from artists, writers and characters who preferred art to living,

half-dead or lost, fascinated perhaps 

and wishing to stay that way –

forgetting that at its most vivid, art is life multiplied

or aware that such a level or spiritual leap[x], is too great a risk or challenge

and prudence often worse than a toxin.


Gestures and beauty gone –

You had your chance

and mine is nearly done

there is never finally any way to turn

but take port duty free on the link span[xi].


Is history the attempt of spirit to conquer matter[xii]

or no more than an accretion of grime?

something we should try to learn from but forget,

the circles through which we overlap or not . . .

our one-way flow with no option but to follow

– or a topological map with infinite directions and choice?

Here, the country church[xiii]

invisible tock upon the bookshelves . . .

red bus through the trees and fences that reach backwards and block

all diagonal pursuit

no sleep ever seems just

only a pause between enigmas

unless you switch off to it all and dream of Wales, or a remote coast

or a vineyard in Chile  

as if the dream were all.


That dream could be the dream of the lodge, off the map, disused, forgotten,

but self-sufficient – as in the end we must all become, unless (or even if) we can

rekindle love. Our own fracture is enough, only the landscape or the lover can heal,

not the peer group or the distant friend.

Once it becomes impossible to tolerate life as it is, there is only the light inside. 

The gates opened into woodland sun and shade.

All human drivel died between the avenues

all ambition drowned on the unspoilt riverbanks which followed.

And through the lines, words, shapes, the movement arose,

becoming tastes and notes and colours.


At New Cross station, Sutherland[xiv] asked “Do you think I’ll ever be an artist?”

This was the late 1920s – before the primeval incursion of Pembrokeshire

shattered his mould,

“Or shall I get my father to find me some other kind of work?”

Do such assumptions, signifying class structure, still remain?

Should I have been a meter reader[xv], musing on life’s paradox as I walked my round . . .

never troubling to scrawl any of it down,

never disturb the peace

for anything beyond style or template originality may be too cruel.

Was post-war optimism also when culture began to slither more generally trivial,

relaxed too far?

or can such impressions be blamed on the inevitable drought,

the scrap to maintain one’s personality in the face of the world? . . .

However –

since the developed temperament and will

can banish or dialectically justify all negative reality,

or dissolve material into metaphysical

today’s dull light is more than enough to make us content

avoiding the fairground and the ever-flashing blue lights

of ambulance and fuzz

as we walk, expecting rain, flippant but uplifted,

crossing the parched August space of

Blackheath.

NOTES


[i]    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_Bridge_%E2%80%93_Greenwich_Railway_Viaduct

[ii]    Neo-classical. This image seems to exaggerate both the height of the viaducts and the closeness of St. James’ Church to the railway: blackcablondon.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/near-bermondsey-church.jpg

[iii]   From 1945 – 1975: arguably the maximum period of post-war hope – during which (for one example) ecological concerns were fully realised but insufficiently acted upon. During which, global corporations became too powerful and greed became a virtue.

[iv]  Both the music and specifically (in the line above this one), Dorothea Tanning’s painting of 1943: https://www.dorotheatanning.org/life-and-work/view/64/

[v] https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0069316/  1972 British television horror drama film written by Nigel Kneale.

[vi] https://genius.com/Songs-ohia-travels-in-constants-lyrics  (paraphrased) lyrics written and performed by Jason Molina: www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTcNpD1YyoI&list=RDbTcNpD1YyoI&start_radio=1  at 12.46 – 13.39

[vii] Slogan on a screen or billboard?  [visible but small in the top right of the roadworks photo –21st August 2025]

[viii] From https://brill.com/view/journals/rt/13/2/article-p195_4.xml  :

“It is the purpose of this paper to interpret the legend of St. George and the Dragon in terms of alchemical symbolism. While the victory of the Christian hero over the Dragon is traditionally interpreted as symbolic of the triumph of good over evil, it is argued that both combatants represent the four alchemical elements: air, water, earth and fire. Instead of a duel of opposites their combat transmutes the coiled-up energy of the dragon into solar light, which manifests as the beautiful princess of the myth. The conclusion is drawn that there is a dialectical movement of force in the battle between St. George and the dragon. The hero releases the antithetical power of the dense, dark matter symbolised by the dragon so that the elements of a polarity do not remain contrasted but are resolved creatively.”

[ix] en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wat_Tyler

[x] Søren Kierkegaard et al

[xi] Link Span, BTF film of 1956, directed by Michael Clarke. See: www.imdb.com/title/tt1754135/  “This documentary from British Transport Films, follows 24 hours in the life of three British Railways Channel ferry services.”

[xii]  Colin Wilson paraphrasing Arnold Toynbee in Religion and the Rebel (1957) reprinted by Aristeia Press in 2017, page 130.

[xiii] Charlton village is the one here of many.

[xiv] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graham_Sutherland  While Sutherland’s Pembrokeshire landscapes may not be “realistic”, personally, I wouldn’t think of them generally as “surreal” – which word to me indicates an element of attitude, even a degree of literary willing, more evident in (for example), Paul Nash’s gently surrealist, Landscape from a Dream, or in Dorothea Tanning’s, Eine Kleine Nachtmusik (A Little Night Music) www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/tanning-eine-kleine-nachtmusik-t07346

Sutherland’s best Pembrokeshire work celebrates the mystery and reveals the hidden power and primeval qualities of the landscape. However, I can see how, given that his landscapes are often ‘more real than reality’, this can easily be associated with surrealism, and at times he does utilize a more surreal approach. In fact, it could be argued that the most relevant aspect of surrealism, is not the exaggerated drama of melting watches and so on, but simply an ability or a moment in which one sees and notices things more vividly. Walking through a suburb of Heysham yesterday, gradually moving into a heightened sense of seeing, I was reminded how ‘surreal’ so many houses and gardens can look in bright daylight, the layout of shrubs and pots, the window surrounds and porches etc – all those aspects of daily life it is so easy to take for granted or disregard. Down on the prom, I was reminded of Paul Nash’s short essay Swanage, or Seaside Surrealism published in The Architectural Review (Volume LXXIX, April 1936, pp. 161-4). Nash himself distinguished between the work of artists belonging to a Surrealist group, distinguishing their work by a capital ‘S’, and “artworks, situations, objects or locations that have a dreamlike character or incongruous settings that evoke disquiet or the uncanny. These, he describes, as surreal with a small ‘s’.” See: www.paulnashdorset.co.uk/timeline/1936#

[xv] https://internationaltimes.it/?s=meter-reader  Obituary for my father, 2024.

‘The Sentinel’

Defendants at the Nuremberg Trials

“Don’t mention the war,” my grandfather advised me a few minutes before our guest, an old friend from the faculty of the nearby University of Puget Sound, joined us for lunch. This was Tacoma, Washington, about twenty miles south of Seattle in America’s Pacific Northwest, in mid-August 1975 (I was visiting from Cambridge) and thus about ten weeks before John Cleese immortalised the phrase in ‘The Germans’ episode of Fawlty Towers, which I see was first broadcast on 24 October that year. Among other distinctions my grandfather ended up as the US’s oldest active full-time professor, but that aside he was always a man ahead of his time, and I think would have enjoyed the happy coincidence of this use of the line that entered into the shared folklore of my generation of Brits.

Our guest that day in Tacoma was Colonel Burton C. Andrus (US Army, Ret), and, true to his military calling, he arrived with us precisely on time. Or, to be more literally true, he didn’t. About fifteen minutes before the appointed hour, my grandfather called me over to the front window and, with an amused smile, pointed to a large-finned old Cadillac parked directly across the street. I could see a bespectacled, grey-haired man sitting bolt upright in the driver’s seat, reading a newspaper. My grandfather and I then stood waiting for the hands of the living-room clock to reach exactly 12.30pm. During these minutes, the figure in the car continued reading the paper, as though he were in fact sitting unobserved in a chair in his own home, and not parked immediately opposite our front door, ten yards away. Then, precisely at 12.30pm, the man got out of the car, walked briskly to the door, and rang the bell. “Ah, Colonel,” my grandfather greeted him. “Punctual as ever.”

Colonel Burton C. Andrus

Colonel Andrus was then 83, and it was immediately apparent that he retained his decisive, soldierly approach to life. An October 1946 issue of Time, which I’d read in my grandfather’s scrapbook the previous evening, gave a rather unflattering account of our guest. It described him as “a pompous, unimaginative, if thoroughly likeable officer who wasn’t up to his job … Every morning his plump little figure, looking like an inflated pouter pigeon, moved majestically around, impeccably garbed in his uniform and highly shellacked helmet.” Now, thirty years later, Andrus retained the same crispness of dress – I seem to remember a funereally dark suit and tie – but there was little about him that was plump or inflated. He was, if anything, a trim, wiry figure who could have passed for twenty years younger than his real age (and, incidentally, nothing like the actor John Slattery, who impersonated him in the recent film Nuremberg), and I could immediately see how formidable, in fact frightening, a character he once must have been.

When introduced, the colonel eschewed the traditional handshake and instead seized my arm near the elbow for a second in a grip of steel, as if making a sudden arrest. He then gazed fiercely around the room, which he remarked, rightly, if a shade caustically, had ‘a lot of possessions’ in it. His relentlessly critical eye had been trained over the decades to spot weakness, and he could still be abrupt in noting any blemishes or other details that failed to meet his exacting standards. I was glad that I had had a haircut the day before.

Born about 300 miles away in Spokane, Washington, in 1892, Andrus had a successful early career working for Standard Oil. He volunteered for the army on America’s entry into the First World War, and an officer’s report on him even in this youthful period praised both his “iron self-will” and “ability to inspire the fighting man which endear[ed] him to their hearts.” Although not posted overseas, Andrus was to foreshadow his later career when in July 1919 he was promoted and sent to the Presidio in Monterey, California, where he served as Prison and Intelligence Officer. Various staff and administrative posts followed in the inter-war years. In September 1941, then Lt-Col Andrus was sent to Great Britain to study its air-ground operations, and did a “thoroughly conscientious” job there, as even Time acknowledged. His was a world of briefing notes, technical manuals, dockets, manifests and fussily annotated guidelines on military procedure – a gift for detail that did not diminish with age. Andrus returned to Britain in January 1944 to serve as Commanding Officer of the 10th Traffic Regulation Group in the run-up to D-Day. In December of that year, he transferred to Allied field headquarters in liberated France as a Combat Observer. In May 1945, Col. Andrus was appointed governor of the Mondorf-les-Bains facility in Luxemburg, an interrogation centre for Nazi war criminals popularly known by its code name ASHCAN. When the inmates were moved to a new prison built at the back of the Nuremberg Palace of Justice, Andrus joined them there as their Commandant.

Notwithstanding my grandfather’s proverbial words of warning, Col. Andrus, once settled in a chair and fortified by a dynamite-strength martini, positively enjoyed talking about the war. And talk he did. Thrillingly. At length. In a dry, crisp voice he told us how military discipline and morale among the staff on his arrival at Nuremberg had been “a joke”, and that one night early on in his tenure a fellow officer had announced that he was leaving the post with the 200 men of his battalion, as he felt they could be of more service to the Allied cause elsewhere. At that, Col. Andrus quick-marched down to the motor-pool. “I posted guards overlooking it and I said: ‘The first man to drive out of that pool tonight – shoot him.’ No one moved. That particular officer soon found himself transferred out of Nuremberg, and sent to a less desirable posting than he might have wished,”  the Colonel smiled. The two hundred men of his unit remained behind to become the nucleus of the prison staff.

Not long after that, Andrus went to deliver the formal indictments to the men in their cells. “They were a motley crew,” he remembered. “You looked at them and wondered how they could possibly have terrorised so many millions of people.” The colonel came to the conclusion that

…it was largely a matter of image. These gangsters had always strutted about with retinues of boot-licking aides. No one questioned them. They created an impression which, through newspapers, radio, and movie films, became a cult. This cult had to be lived up to. To increase their lustre, the men had to keep going forward – in the end, they so lost track of right and wrong that in prison they felt not guilt but a kind of indignation at their confinement.

The only one of the indicted men who had mildly impressed him was Field-Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, until lately the Head of the German Armed Forces and de facto War Minister. “He at least snapped to attention when receiving the papers I handed him,” Andrus allowed.

Like other prisoners before and after them, some of the inmates at Nuremberg turned to the solace of religion. Hans Frank, the former Governor-General of Poland, and as such thought to be responsible for the deaths of up to two million Polish Jews, “used to pray at all hours of the day, and I have no doubt genuinely felt that the Church had relieved him of guilt,” Andrus said. Several others among the accused preferred the more secular consolation of the law. Keitel and his colleagues Field-Marshal Kesselring and Grand Admiral Doenitz all addressed letters to the Supreme Allied Commander that Andrus felt would almost have been comic but for the circumstances. Many quoted the Geneva Convention, and some asked that their former aides and orderlies be sent to join them in prison. Kesselring had wanted a more comfortable bed and bigger windows in his cell to alleviate his rheumatism, a request that Andrus had felt it within himself to refuse.

The prisoners themselves weren’t the only ones to suffer the particular stress of life at Nuremberg. To my surprise, Andrus told us that when he arrived,

…most of the rest of the jail was already occupied by German civilian prisoners. It would have been easy for any of them to infiltrate our wing, and the prospect kept me awake at night until I finally got permission to erect a barrier. For that matter, the security outside the compound wasn’t any better, and if some fanatical pro-Nazis had taken it on themselves to load a truck with TNT and send it speeding through the outer wall to the cell-block itself, we would all have been blown sky high.

Andrus had also been worried about the morale of the Nuremberg jailers, or ‘sentinels’ as he called them. “These men were often 19 or 20 years old, and they were to stand in shifts in dark concrete walkways watching the prisoners day and night. It wasn’t a job for sissies. Over my whole term of duty, I experienced a 600 per cent turnover in staff,” Andrus remarked, not bothering to hide a faint snort of derision. Adding to the sombre atmosphere, two of the Nuremberg inmates, the so-called Reich Health Leader Leonardo Conti, and head of the Labour Front Robert Ley, committed suicide in captivity, while the Luftwaffe chief and Reichsstatthalter of Prussia (though he acquired offices of state almost at will) Hermann Goering later cheated the hangman by biting down on a cleverly concealed cyanide capsule only hours before his scheduled execution in October 1946.

But by far the most enigmatic – and troublesome – of Col. Andrus’s charges at Nuremberg was the former Deputy Fuhrer, Rudolf Hess. Hess was then 51, and had been in Allied hands since famously flying to Scotland in an apparent solo attempt to broker peace with the United Kingdom in May 1941. Was he mentally unhinged, as his bizarre flight, and subsequent real or feigned amnesia, seemed to suggest?
The colonel’s first encounter with “this beetle-browed little man who arrived in a grey suit and a crumpled felt hat” was far from promising. Hess was being marched down a corridor in the jail when he saw Goering and his guard coming towards him. “Conveniently forgetting to forget, he immediately snapped to attention and threw up his arm in the Nazi salute to greet his old comrade.” The black comedy of the scene struck me, and I asked the colonel what he had done. “I instructed Hess, ‘Do not raise your arm like that again. I consider it a vulgar gesture.’ ‘The Nazi salute is not a vulgar gesture,’ he said. ‘It is now,’ I told him.”

“I knew right away that he was faking it,” the colonel continued. When later questioned about his family, “Hess was able to answer in very great detail about events that had happened 40 years earlier. The fact that he was reading two highbrow books a day while in custody also told me that he must have retained some of the background of his education in order to understand them.” A US Army psychiatrist examined all the Nuremberg prisoners. His report found that Hess was “passive, suggestible and naïve … Like the typical hysterical personality, he was incapable of facing reality and escaped by developing a functional disorder” – in this case, selective amnesia. “I looked him in the eye and told him I knew he was a sham. Hess just glared at me. He was ‘mad’ all right, mad at me for disbelieving him,” the colonel said.

As for Goering himself, ‘he came to me as a 300-pound hophead,’ Andrus remarked, employing the terminology of the day. “He had sixteen suitcases, wore a Cartier watch, and his fingernails were painted bright red.” After several months of the colonel’s regimen, Goering was cured of his morphine addiction, and his weight was down to something approaching normal. Even so, the table in his cell was deliberately built so that it would have collapsed had he tried to use it to reach the small barred window with a sheet or towel as a possible means of suicide. Andrus admitted that he had found Goering “a cunning and not always disagreeable internee, whom you could never turn your back on.” One morning in March 1946, the Nuremberg prisoners were being taken out of their cells to be marched to the nearby courtroom. “Goering took the opportunity to reach out and strike the sentinel several times on his arm and shoulder. The soldier hit him back with his billy-club. Goering then went loco and started screaming in German, and using his hands with incredible speed to lash out at the man. It took four GIs to subdue him.” A few years later, I was uncomfortably reminded of this incident when I sat watching the scene of Hannibal Lecter maniacally attacking his guards in The Silence of the Lambs.

After being condemned to death, Goering had made a request to face a firing squad rather than the gallows. The Allied control commission rejected his petition. “In my mind, that was the moment he took the decision to kill himself,” Andrus said. The colonel would not be drawn on the rumour that a sympathetic GI had palmed the cyanide capsule to his prisoner, and rather stiffly repeated the formal conclusion of the enquiry that “Goering had the poison in his possession when apprehended”, that “he may have hidden it in an obscure recess in the inside of his toilet under the overhanging rim,” and that “no blame for dereliction of duty is ascribed to any prison guard.” The colonel repeated the words verbatim, and I could tell that the matter still rankled all these years later. To have lost three men at Nuremberg by their own hand was the one obvious regret of this proud and supremely capable soldier. Twenty years after the event, the colonel received a letter out of the blue from the National Archives in Washington, DC. It attached a photocopy of the suicide note Goering had personally addressed to him. This, too, concluded: “None of those charged with searching [for the cyanide] is to be blamed, for it was practically impossible to find it. It would have been pure accident. [The army psychiatrist] informed me that the control board has refused the petition to change the method of execution to shooting.”

Given our continued fascination both with the Nazis and with prison dramas, it’s hard to imagine anything that could make the events of the early hours of 16 October 1946 more morbidly compelling. The execution by hanging of ten condemned men at Nuremberg (Goering was to have been the eleventh) had it all: a long walk through a rainswept prison yard into a starkly lit gymnasium, where one by one the condemned men were escorted up the steps (there were thirteen) to the gallows. Colonel Andrus read the formal sentence to each one moments before the end, and even he admitted that “It was a terrible task.” The Reich foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was the first to be dispatched and, like most of the others, he met his fate with a certain dignity. “My last wish is that Germany’s unity shall be preserved and that an understanding be reached between East and West,” he said. As the rope was then tightened around Ribbentrop’s neck, he turned to the army Lutheran chaplain at his side and whispered: “I’ll see you again.”

“The military men went to their deaths impeccably,” Col. Andrus said. When his turn came, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, formerly Chancellor of Austria and later Nazi commissar of the occupied Netherlands, remarked in a level voice: “I hope that this execution is the last act of the tragedy of the Second World War, and I hope that out of this disaster wisdom will inspire the people, which will result in understanding between the nations and that peace on earth will be finally established. I believe in Germany.” Then he, too, was hanged. The only difficulty had come in the case of the former publisher of the rabidly antisemitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Julius Streicher – a “very shapeless man in a baggy suit with a large bald head and short legs.” Once at the scaffold, Streicher had screamed “Heil Hitler!”, and then made some further unappreciative remarks about the Jews. As the executioner stepped forward to the lever, the condemned man had hissed at him through his black hood: “The Bolsheviks will hang you one day!” After these blood-chilling events, Andrus insisted that the bodies, including Goering’s, had been taken to Dachau and cremated in the same concentration camp ovens where tens of thousands of Jews and others had met their end, although some historians doubt this detail. The ashes were secretly dispersed in a river. The colonel had nothing to say on the long-standing rumour that the executions had been botched, meaning that some of the men had fallen with insufficient force to snap their necks and had instead slowly suffocated to death.

I was then a remarkably vain and self-absorbed 18-year-old, but even so I like to think I realised how lucky I was to be included at the lunch table that day. The time seemed to fly by. Precisely at 2.30pm, Colonel Andrus stood up, thanked us for our hospitality, and announced that he would now go home for his scheduled nap and a walk. You saw again the rigid self-discipline, and remembered that this was a man who had lived his whole adult life in a world ruled by punctuality, professionalism and unswerving devotion to duty. As he left, the colonel seized my arm once more and looked me hard in the eye. “I hope I haven’t bored you too much,” he said. I assured him he hadn’t.

Colonel Burton Andrus died on 1 February 1977, at the age of 84. It’s said by his son that his last recorded thoughts were of Nuremberg. “I think that it haunted him … ‘Goering has committed suicide. I must report it to the Commission,’ he said. I told him it was the middle of the night, and it could wait until morning. Four hours later, my father died.”

“Not unless bound with a chain” – an introduction to Dróttkvætt

RAHUL GUPTA explains the history and tradition of a venerable poetic form. This article was first
published in Forgotten Ground Regained, New Series, Issue 8, Fall 2025, focusing on modern English poems imitating Old Norse and Icelandic forms, and is reproduced with permission

Ten Days in Provence

At some time during my teens, I came across a science-fiction story by Michael Moorcock, featuring a certain ‘Dorian Hawkmoon,’ an adventurer of a distant future who existed in a post-apocalyptic version of France’s furthest south.

My memories of the book (maybe books – Hawkmoon was a recurring character in Moorcock’s ‘multiverse’) are hazy in the extreme, and probably the details are not worth remembering. But it was the first time I had heard of the Camargue – ‘Kamarg’ to Hawkmoon – the extensive flatlands around the delta of the Rhône. For some unfathomable reason, this region I had never seen lodged in my mind. Moorcock’s Kamarg was a land of neo-medieval ‘swords and sorcery,’ with castles, beautiful countesses and an evil empire, where everyone travelled by ornithopter – but I soon learned the real place was at least equally interesting.

Embarrassing though it is to admit it, this fragment of pulp fiction was one of the reasons why in August we found ourselves disembarking from a too-cold Ryanair jet into 34 degrees of heat and haze at Marseille’s Marignane airport. We found our bus, and around thirty minutes afterwards were decanted blinkingly at the Gare Routière in Aix-en-Provence.

Aix must also have been mentioned by Moorcock, but whether it was or not I had come across many mentions of it since. Like the Camargue, like all of Provence, Aix had become lodged in my imagination as a place of beautiful strangeness. To me, the name connoted an elegant and honey-coloured city of baroque fountains, refined dining and high culture, set in an immemorial terroir of lavender fields, sunflowers, red rock, Roman ruins and sleepy villages that had been hymned by troubadours, reverenced by fourteenth century Popes, and lovingly depicted by Cézanne and Van Gogh.

Provence was later also an Elysium for nineteenth and early twentieth century English travellers, drawn to the balmy air and brilliant glitter of the Cote D’Azur, with its twisting corniche roads and scented Corsican pines, beset with fishing villages and healthful views over history-haunted waters. Ice-cream architectured towns like Monaco, Monte Carlo, Nice and St. Tropez boasted wide boulevards for snobbish and stylish promenading, and casinos whose faint frisson of ‘sinfulness’ made them magnets for unbuttoning Anglicans.

Daphne du Maurier made her never named heroine meet Maxim de Winter along the Riviera in 1938’s Rebecca – two of many real-life Anglo-Americans who would be drawn to the South’s easy-going charm and artistic possibilities during the interwar years, or France’s trente glorieuses of 1945-1975. Laurence Durrell, F. Scott Fitzgerald, Katherine Mansfield, Somerset Maugham, and Edith Wharton were just some of the writers drawn here.

The Cannes Film Festival began in 1946, and the Avignon Festival of theatre in 1947. Michael Powell and Emeric Pressburger set formative scenes of their 1948 ballet film The Red Shoes in Provence – an impossibly glamorous backdrop of black-tie concerts, white-tie dinners, dazzling esplanades, expansive villas, lavish oleanders, old stone staircases and mahogany-decked yachts, for their study of obsessive perfectionism in the most artificial of dance forms. Provence had earlier been home to the pioneering film-makers, the Lumière brothers, who filmed one of the world’s first projected motion pictures in the area, 1895’s L’Arrivée d’un train en gare de La Ciotat.

Later still came Peter Mayle, whose 1989 memoir A Year in Provence describing the often amusing adventures of expatriate life in the Luberon launched a cultural trend and property boom, as thousands of northern Europeans gravitated south, swapping cramped maisonettes in chilly cities for crumbling but capacious and ineffably charming farmhouses. Mayle was lucky; we had only ten days.

Darker if romantically fascinating histories too of course were to be found across Provence, emblematised in abandoned abbeys, slighted castles, and the hulking island prison Chateau d’If made infamous in The Count of Monte Cristo – a region ranged over for centuries in bitter wars of dynasty, identity, ideology and religion, a hard and hilly land of poverty and suspicion, and strange superheated mirages like that of Saint-Rémy-de-Provence boy, Michele de Nostradame (1503-1566), better known to us as Nostradamus.

It had also always been a frontier zone, open to curious sailors like the Greeks who landed here to found Massalia (Marseilles) – from which Pythea sailed yet further, to become the first classical commentator to mention Britain. Later came the Romans to make Provence their first possession beyond the Alps – Provincia Romana, from which we get ‘Provence.’ They founded the city they called Aquae Sextiae for its healthful springs, corrupted by later lazier people into Aix.

Later, the Provence coast was often dangerously exposed to Vikings, Normans, medieval and early modern European navies and privateers, and sometimes even more meridional forces. Umayyad Berbers invaded in 719 and would occupy parts of southern France for the next 40 years, and would return again spasmodically in ensuring centuries, only finally being expelled in 973. In 1973, the conservative writer Jean Raspail’s novel Camp of the Saints offered a still vividly controversial vision – of a piteous ‘Last Chance Armada’ of rust-bucket ships overflowing with impoverished Indians landing on this beautiful coastline, destined to overwhelm a richly decadent Europe. Now, this suggestive region lay open to us.

Fountain on the Cours Mirabeau
A traditional shop

Aix is beautiful. It is also enamoured of the tourist economy, its refined streets thronged with sun-worshippers and aperitif-sippers in sandals and shorts, who fill the air with accents of America, Britain, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, and northern France. Naturalised ring-necked parakeets screech and swoop in the upper branches of graceful mature plane trees that offer grateful shade – while pigeons, sparrows and starlings dart amongst people’s feet for crumbs or hop onto bistro tables to peck at uncleared plates.

The statue of Rene of Anjou at Aix

The central Cours Mirabeau – with its statue of ‘Good King René’ looking down past banks and cafés towards a grand classical fountain – was constantly busy with tourists and those ministering to them – shopkeepers, waiters, tour guides, and stall-holders coming in from outlying districts to sell bric-a-brac, calissons (melon and orange flavour iced biscuits), cheeses, espadrilles, fruit, garlic, honey, lavender, liqueurs, nougat, perfumes, sausages, wine, and yet other things ranging from the beautifully distinctive to the utterly superfluous. The gendarmes so obviously present in other French cities were much less so here, as if they too were almost superfluous in this safe-feeling city.  

The statue of King René (1409-1480) recalls when Provence was its own country, ruled by Counts who were also linked to Anjou, Lorraine and Piedmont, and at least nominally to the kingships of Naples (from where René had been expelled in 1443, by Aragonese forces) and even Jerusalem. Provence after all had never been French, although it had been subject to the Carolingians – and had always had its own language, Occitan (of which Provençal is a dialect), which had given rise to a highly distinctive culture, a Roman rather than Frankish legal system, and its own geostrategic considerations – more interested in the Mediterranean than the Atlantic, and in Rome as much as Paris. Occitan is a distinguished language, richly inflected with ideas and vocabulary from across the whole Mediterranean basin. Christian codes of knightly chivalry are thought to have evolved first in the pays d’Oc, and the langue d’Oc exerted profound effects on European music and poetry – famously attracting the 20th century attentions of Ezra Pound, who wandered the Midi in romantic search of medieval Europe, seeing himself as a latter-day vagabond troubadour, adapting and translating many Provençal poems for his collections, including the Cantos. It is amusing to note that one notable Provençal chansonnier, Foulques de Marseille (c.1150-1231, whose romantic verse was admired by Richard the Lionheart) would later become bishop of Toulouse, and a notorious persecutor of the Cathars.

Provençal would be widely spoken in the region until it began to decline in the 19th century under the pressures of modernity. In 1854, the Maillane-born lexicographer-poet Frédéric Mistral (1830-1914) and others launched a campaign to preserve it, called the Félibrige (a word of obscure origins) – with some success; Mistral was co-recipient of the 1904 Nobel Prize for Literature. But the French government made increasing efforts to extirpate the language as part of the drive to standardise and unite France, only changing course after the 1960s; today, in Aix and elsewhere, street names are usually signed bilingually.

The benevolently remembered René was a prince of the blood of the Valois-Anjou royal line, and his younger daughter Margaret married England’s Henry VI in 1445, as part of the Hundred Years’ War toing-and-froing which the following decade saw him helping drive the English forever out of Normandy. Forsaking war and high politics at last – as much as anyone of his rank and station could – he settled in Aix, and presided over something of an artistic efflorescence, sponsoring painters, goldsmiths, sculptors and tapestry makers. He is also credited with being a painter himself, and certainly tried his hand at literature, with poetry, religious writings and a treatise on tournaments all coming from his quill. He introduced the muscat grape to the region, which ever since has helped local tipplers drown whatever tristes they may have had, such as Provence’s subsumption into the Kingdom of France the year after the good king died.

Monte Ste-Victoire by Paul Cezanne

Another Aix resident is even more fondly remembered – indeed, is something of an obsession, whose genius is exploited enthusiastically by tourism promoters. Paul Cézanne (1839-1906), the son of an Aix banker, is a ubiquitous presence in the town where he spent much of his life, with visitors queuing to see exhibitions of his work in central galleries, his atelier, his home in the western suburbs, and the Bibémus quarries outside the town that were the subject of some of his most famous pictures. The ‘father of us all’ (as he was called by Matisse and Picasso) was friends with the likes of Émile Zola, Camille Pissarro and Pierre-Auguste Renoir – yet also a dedicated provincial of rather conservative tastes, who would become a devout Catholic.

The Bathers by Cezanne

Cézanne created over 1,000 paintings during some 40 years, although many were never finished – ochreous rural vistas, many featuring Provence’s geographical symbol, the Monte Ste-Victoire – but also interiors with family and friends, still life studies of foods, or deeply intent card-players, or memento mori skulls. But he languished in artistic obscurity until quite late in life. Many art-arbiters, even in Aix, did not care for his vivid colours and distorted perspectives – although he is lionised now as an essential bridge between Impressionism and such later movements as Cubism and Fauvism. Faintly heretical though it may be to say in Aix, I don’t find his work exciting. But he imprinted his personality on his loved landscape; it is impossible not to see Provence today at least partly through his eyes.

The Musée Granet contains other things not partly obscured by troops of dutiful list-tickers and phone-clickers. An offshoot, the Fondation Jean et Suzanne Planque, has around 300 20th century artworks from artists including Picasso, Pierre Bonnard, Georges Braque, Fernand Léger, Nicolas de Staël and Jean Dubuffet. Cezanne’s influence can clearly be seen in some of these. The early 20th century artistic love affair with Primitivism was inspired by items like some of the genuinely primitive artefacts held by the Musée – originating from the Oppidum d’Entremont, a Celt-Ligurian ringfort on an ancient crossroads between Marseille and the Durance valley, and Fréjus and the Rhône. Stone heads and pieces of torso found there in 1946 suggest a stern warrior culture, with the human head perhaps holding special significance as domed symbol of the heavens, and seat of spirituality. They invaded Italy, getting as far as Rome in the 4th century BC, and would assist Hannibal’s invasion of 218 BC. The Romans never forgot these indignities, and eventually crushed the Celt-Ligurians in 102 BC. The Oppidum, now in Aix’s northern suburbs, has echoed empty ever since.

Celt-Ligurian heads from the Oppidum d’Entremont

Aix’s Cathédrale-St-Sauveur was hagiographically founded by St Maximinius in the 1st century. According to legend, Maximinius had been the steward of Jesus’ family, but following the Crucifixion was cast adrift in a rudderless boat, with companions including Mary Magdalene – landing providentially at last on the coast of Provence. The cathedral has an atmospheric 6th century baptistery, Romanesque cloisters carved with beasts of the Revelation, and extraordinary 16th century west doors, showing four Old Testament prophets and 12 sibyls, pagan prophetesses who legendarily foretold Christ’s story. Its most famous artwork is a 1475-6 triptych of The Burning Bush painted by Avignon painter Nicholas Froment, commissioned by King René for his own tomb in Paris, but moved to Aix after the Revolution. The most striking statue on the Gothic west front is of St Mitre, a 5th century Greek farm labourer living in Provence, who was ironically convicted of witchcraft for making miracles come true. Undaunted by being decapitated, he picked up his head and carried it to Aix, where his relics would become a cultic cynosure, reputed to cure eye problems.

St Mitre, on the west front of Aix Cathedral

The Tapestry Museum in the former Bishop’s Palace has an array of tapestries from the 17th century onwards, showing dancers and grotesque creatures, and scenes from Don Quixote, including an armour-clad cat being undressed by adoring women. While we were there, it also had a temporary exhibition showing the lavish opera and theatrical costumes made by famous stage designer Patriche Cauchetier, who died in 2024 – a very suitable display of great ingenuity and interest, relics of an unabashedly elitist culture of fully-staged productions of classics commoner on the continent than in the UK.

Street puppet in the Museum of Old Aix

The Museum of Old Aix also has some costumes, plus furniture, pottery and a huge, naively painted screen showing scenes from the lavish processions of the Fête Dieu (Corpus Christi). Early 20th century street entertainers’ puppets glare blankly from a display case – like all puppets, faintly creepy when seen too close and under too much light. Provence is incidentally famous for the finely detailed figures called santons – dioramas and models of animals and humans originally designed for Christmas nativity displays, but long extended to depict many aspects of Provençal life. I noticed displays in museums and shop windows of santon scenes from the Camargue, farmyards, city streets, Vincent Van Gogh standing at his easel, and even Snow White as envisioned by Walt Disney.

Our trip coincided with the 81st anniversary of the Allied landings in Provence in 1944. France and America have often had differences in the postwar period, but the Americans are certainly remembered fondly for their vital part in the Liberation of France. One evening in Aix, we watched reenactors and World War Two vintage vehicles lining up in the Cours Mirabeau, in an array of American and French military uniforms, who then processed up the parade, preceded by bicycling gendarmes with Cross of Lorraine brassards, to a spontaneous round of applause – a wistful memory of a time when enemies were more obvious, and France more alive.

Avignon’s bridge and Papal Palace

Our first trip out from Aix was to Avignon, famous of course for its Pont, and as having hosted the Papacy between 1309 and 1378. To the famously danceable bridge, first of all – for centuries the only bridge to cross the Rhône between Lyons and the Mediterranean (although the bridge may have been built on the site of a Roman bridge), and bridging Provence to France proper. Originally 900 metres long when built in the 12th century, there are only four of its 22 original arches still standing following a disastrous flood in 1668 – like a broken finger pointing towards the halfway-over Île de Barthalasse over green waters glinting with perch. The great river swells with latent force, even in the languorous dogdays of August; it is unsurprising it has a Loch-Ness-like monster legend, of the Tarasque, a water dragon said to have been tamed by St Martha (sister of Mary Magdalene), an effigy of which is still carried in an annual folkloric-religious ceremony in the town of Tarascon. There are incidentally real-life leviathans in the river’s depths, in the form of the Wels (Siluris glanis), the European catfish, which can grow to 9.4 feet in length and 300 lbs in weight, eats waterfowl and is popularly suspected of taking swimming dogs or even children.

But the Palais des Papes is an even greater architectural distinction, for much of the 14th century home to the Pontiffs – a fortress-like structure dominating the Place du Palais, visible from everywhere in the city, the perfect hub for the walled old city. The French-born Pope Clement V (pontiff between 1305-1314) was invited to transfer the Papacy to Avignon by France’s King Philip IV (‘Philip the Fair,’ who reigned between 1285 and 1314). Rome had for some time been seriously unstable, but Philip also clearly saw advantages in having the Pope so close to his own borders, and under French influence. Clement was the first of seven Popes to rule from Avignon. His successor, Jean XXII (Pope 1316-1334), had previously been bishop of Avignon, so had no objections to remaining there, and his successor Benedict XII (Pope 1334-1342) showed his consent to the arrangement by beginning the building of the present Palais. Both were French, and seem to have been devotedly attached to their home-from-Rome, as noted by the Persian-American scholar Marzieh Gail:

From their aerial palace gardens they gazed down over plains and rounded hills, silver and green with olive trees. They watched the January snows on Mount Ventoux, and the planted fields walled with black cypresses and yellow cane against the wind. They could not leave. Their delights were all summed up in the wine of Beaune, which did not travel well. Petrarch says that the Cardinals, urged Romeward, would answer: ‘But Beaune is not there.’ (The Three Popes, Marzieh Gail, London: Robert Hale, 1969, p.16)

The massive Palais was luxuriantly appointed and furnished, and the city magnetised Europeans of all degrees and none, from royals in search of politico-spiritual support to criminals preying on the many wealthy or otherworldly visitors. Fourteenth century Popes accustomed to noble and reverential emissaries would probably have been startled or even affronted by the attire of many 21st century visitors to the Palais, in their earrings, flip-flops, shorts, tattoos, and T-shirts bearing such spiritual messages as “World’s Greatest Dad” or “Motorhead.”

The Holy See was finally returned to Rome in 1378 by Pope Gregory XI (Pope 1370-1378), although this was not without controversy. Stay-behind cardinals promptly elected their own Pope at Avignon, giving rise to what is called the Western Schism – during which yet another Pope was appointed at Pisa (Alexander V, widely regarded as legitimate during his short reign – 1409-1410 – but now officially an antipope).

The Palais has secret chambers in the floors with stone trapdoors, designed to hold treasure and important papers, while the vast kitchen with its central cooking fire hints at the scale of the catering. The great dining room known as the Grand Tinel saw countless feasts – which must sometimes have been rather strained affairs, judging from the fact that only the Pope was allowed to have a knife – and was also used for conclaves. Its library was famous across Europe, attracting Petrarch amongst many other scholars, artists and musicians. Petrarch worked at the Palais as an official, and it was supposedly at Avignon that he first saw his celebrated paramour, Laura, in the Chapelle St-Claire on 6 April, 1327 (part of which still survives) – for whom he spent the next 20 years writing anacreontics that were very influential on all European poetry.

Clement’s bedroom and study, with their oak and vine motifs, and hunting scenes, are almost the only rooms where the original décor has survived centuries of deterioration, and sacking during the French Revolution. Avignon remained a Papal enclave until 1791, when a Revolutionary mob demanding its full absorption into France attacked the Palais, and patriotically massacred some 60 royalists and religious in one of the towers. Later federalist and royalist insurrections in this generally conservative area would elicit further deadly reprisals.

The overall impression today is one of great severity, which made it a suitable venue for the works of the artist Jean-Michel Othoniel (b. 1964), who experiments with floral forms, mathematical and topological concepts. Huge strings of large Murano glass or metal beads, mostly in blue, purple and silver, were hanging in stairwells or from vaulted ceilings, looking like the spawn of the Tarasque, arranged in astronomical constellations, Borromean rings and ‘wild knots’ – very medieval conundrums, oddly effective in spaces that could otherwise have echoed empty.

Othoniel installation in the Papal Palace

Avignon beyond the bridge and Palais was almost bereft of people. On the way back to the train station along largely silent handsome streets, we ventured into the Musée Requien, to find an old friend. This is a small and pleasantly old-fashioned natural history museum, with informative typed labels rather than audio-guides or buttons to press. It has a good display of trilobites and a Tyrannosaurus skull, as well as 19th and early 20th century taxidermy. Taxidermy is always melancholy, but it was of its time, and played a part in early natural history, offering countless opportunities for examination of animal anatomy and morphology. The pinned insects and spiders were sad too, in their smaller way, but were made interesting for me by the fact many of them had been collected personally by Jean-Henri Fabre (1823-1915).

Like Michael Moorcock, Fabre must also assume some responsibility for my vacance. I had first heard of him as a teenager, through Gerald Durrell’s My Family and Other Animals, a favourite book of mine. Like Durrell, I became captivated by the Frenchman who was called the “Father of Entomology” – enmeshed by his Life of the Spider, a wonderfully enthusiastic as well as closely observant study of creatures that are too often detested and feared. It made other entomological treatises seem ploddingly pedantic, as his admirer Maurice Maeterlinck noted:

 [We] open the book without zest and without unreasonable expectations; and forthwith, from between the open leaves, there rises and unfolds itself, without hesitation, without interruption and almost without remission to the end of the four thousand pages, the most extraordinary of tragic fairy plays that it is possible for the human imagination, not to create or to conceive, but to admit and to acclimatize within itself. (Maurice Maeterlinck, introduction to 1912 translation of Life of the Spider)

Fabre’s spider book was just one part of an outpouring of writings written in a delightfully light style, combining serious natural history with classical and Provençal animal lore, united by the gifts of an instinctive essayist. He was also both devout, and something of a mathematician, seeing in evolution evidence of intelligent design. To him, spiders’ webs showed a grand kind of geometry, a divine dispensation manifested in logarithmic spirals. He was apparently a local curiosity around Avignon, where he taught in the school , teased by townspeople for lying in the gutter to watch ants – something for which he was once nearly arrested by a new gendarme, who only changed his mind when Fabre stood up, revealing the red Legion d’Honneur ribbon on his lapel. It was exciting to come across some of the great, humble man’s own specimens, in this quiet back street in a little visited museum – samples from the dawn of a new science.

Fabre was oddly unmentioned by the Rev. George Comerford Casey (1846-1912), a Fellow of both the Geographical and Linneaen Societies, whose anonymously published Riviera Nature Notes of 1898 is a charming evocation of Provence’s flora and fauna – presumably because Fabre had not then been translated. It is likely he would have found the Frenchman as congenial as he is himself.

Casey starts – appropriately for a clerical author – with the date palms that are still to be seen tied to balconies and front doors to mark Palm Sunday, but then goes to less welcomed creatures. He exults in the call of the cicada (a noise some find maddening) – “the Diva of the insect world,” he calls the cicada, an “Insect minstrel” whose melodies are “no modest drawing-room pieces, but a wild, fierce, passionate whirling chant, like that of the sun worshippers of old, as they danced intoxicated round the image of their god.” He tells of a species of snake that allegedly eats mosquitoes, and jokes – “Why should not some ophiologist introduce this serpent to the Riviera? The hotels might then advertise: ‘Snakes in every bedroom; no extra charge!” He records seeing a scorpion marooned on a rock in the middle of a rapid stream, but left it there, even though he knew Provençal scorpions were not deadly. He chortles, “To save the live of a Scorpion (or a lawyer) would be to push humanitarian principles to an absurd degree!” He muses on an old folk belief that people who have been bitten by tarantulas ever afterwards remain in the same mood and with the same thoughts as on the day they were bitten:

Perhaps there is an allegory concealed in the statement…It may well be that the Angel of Death hands each man over to the complete control of his ruling passion; and that we thus obtain for ever that which we have loved and longed for in this present state.

***

Vincent Van Gogh alighted in Arles in a snowstorm, and created over 300 masterpieces. We arrived in an opened oven-door blast of heat, and created nothing. But we were in search of similar things – beauty, heat and history – and fortunate Arles can provide all three. The city is famous for its Roman amphitheatre, one of the best preserved anywhere – and bullfighting, although increasingly these days non-lethal tauromachy (called the course camarguaise) when men try to snatch roses off the animals’ heads rather than killing them. These contests, which are held in the arena, are a rare example of continuity with the kinds of ‘entertainments’ that would have been seen there during the Roman presence. Thirty thousand spectators can be accommodated within its walls, much later including Picasso and Hemingway. Arles was the capital not just of Gaul, but also Hispania and Britannia, and even after the Western Empire fell long remained prosperous, thanks to shipping coming up the Rhône – especially when rivalrous Marseille was being blockaded in times of war.

Arles’ amphitheatre

Arles was later a celebrated centre of Christian learning and power. St Caesarius was bishop of the city from 503-543, during a period when the Burgundians, Franks. Ostrogoths and Visigoths were all vying for control of the region, and he was credited with ensuring the eventual triumph of the Frankish party and stabilising the local Church. He was notably ascetic; as a young cellarer on the island of Lérins off the coast of Provence, he had decided that the meals given to monks were too large, so reduced all rations accordingly.  It is perhaps not coincidental that he left soon afterwards for Arles. He was also an effective preacher and prolific writer, and the first non-Pope to be allowed to wear the Papal pallium – an ecclesiastical vestment consisting of a white woollen band adorned with six black crosses, worn around the neck. It is thought that St Augustine of Canterbury was consecrated as Archbishop of Canterbury in Arles in 597, following the success of his mission to England. The city’s Roman necropolis, known as Les Alyscamps, was for centuries regarded as the most hallowed burial place in all Christendom; until well into medieval times, coffins of the recently deceased from upstream districts would be floated down by their families to Arles for interment.

Romanesque carvings at the Eglise St-Trophime

The principal Christian sight in Arles today is the Église St-Trophime, standing unobtrusively on the present Place de la République. Closer examination reveals some of the best Romanesque carving in the world – a 12th century Last Judgement, with the naked and chained damned going down on one side, and robed blessed ascending on the opposite, heralded by angel musicians. There are yet more Romanesque extravagances in the beautiful cloisters, including wildly staring monks, rampant animals, and St Martha with her tamed Tarasque – feverish fantasies frozen as surreal backdrop for sandwich-eating trippers and twittering sparrows.

***

Aix, Arles and Avignon felt distinctly provincial, as we walked warily down steep streets from Marseille’s Estacio de Autobuses towards the harbour, picking our way fastidiously between manic traffic, shining sputum, urine stains, piles of flyblown rubbish, and Arabic conversations. Many of the buildings were stately indeed, but flaking and stained, clearly unloved by anyone. Marseille was, we had been warned, a dangerous city, an unrestful one, a place of pickpocketing and even violence. We had expected little less, judging from the gang tags and graffiti that disfigured so many suburban buildings on our approach into the city  – even on very high buildings, when the vandals’ lives must surely have been in danger.

Marseille has often been a radical city. It embraced the Revolution with such vigour that the song sung by its excited volunteers in the streets of Paris (originally written to boost the morale of the faltering Army of the Rhine) would become known as ‘La Marseillaise.’ A half-hearted counter-revolution in the city in 1793 was put down with savage force by outraged citoyens, and in revenge the Revolutionary general briefly renamed the city Ville sans nom (‘City without a name’). It took several years before Marseille was forgiven its lapse into realism, symbolised by the formal adoption in 1795 of ‘La Marseillaise’ as France’s first national anthem. The city would be a red flag-flying Communard stronghold in 1871, constituency of the radical politician (and future Prime Minister) Léon Gambetta, and the site of Corbusier’s Unité d’habitation, the world’s first Brutalist building. After Algerian independence in 1962, the disgruntled repatriated white settlers known as the pieds noirs settled in the city in large numbers – uneasy neighbours to the many North Africans who also began arriving at that time.

Untold millions of Euros have been spent on the city in recent decades, especially while it was European City of Culture in 2013, with much stress laid on its multicultural character – but there is not much evidence of all this expenditure outside the small central area, let alone any signs of social integration. This was the only place in Provence we saw the CRS on patrol – the Corps Republicaine Securité, the toughest of the various French police divisions, responsible for riot control – and our two days in the city were often punctuated by fire engine sirens, as les pompiers charged past on their way to their next emergency. Some apparent locals looked tough in their own right – burly and capable-looking men emptying bins and driving taxis, who may all once voted Communist, but are now probably for Le Pen.

Ghost ships at Marseille’s Roman port

Founded around 600 BC by Greeks fleeing Persian aggression in Asia Minor, the city became a hugely important port, trading upriver or by sea as far as the Baltic. It remained important under the Romans, until 49 BC when the city unwisely preferred Pompey’s cause to Caesar’s – leading to serious repercussions at the hands of the victorious Caesar. But Marseille’s position meant it could not long be kept down, and the city’s Musée Histoire has a remarkable display on the site of the Roman port, including the impressive remains of two large Roman rafts, preserved on the spot they were found, along with quay walls, amphorae, anchors and huge chunks of masonry. The sculptured outlines of ghost ships await ghost crews and ghost winds against a backdrop of buses and office blocks.

Vieux Port

The Vieux Port is magnificent – a sea of yacht masts cradled in a natural basin, entered between the two forts built by Louis XIV to subdue the restive townspeople. The commercial port lies slightly to the north – so the basin is purely for pleasure, as elegantly accoutred weekend sailors step off €1m craft to find fine restaurants, luckily still serving Marseille’s most famous foodstuff, the fish soup, bouillabaisse. Mullet and crabs tryst around mooring ropes leading down through bobbing rubbish and dumped e-bikes into classical maritime history, in blissful ignorance of humans’ hungers. Ferries tote tourists out to the Chateau d’If, or further, to the calanques – deep sea inlets that are characteristic of this coast, beautiful, protected refuges from the press and rush and dirt of the city.

High on its hill (531 feet above sea level), Notre-Dame-de-la-Garde, the city’s symbol, was unfortunately obscured by scaffolding. It beckoned even though, even on an airless August evening, and so I toiled my way up there without a street map, winding always upwards, along increasingly quiet and desirable streets, with expensive Citroens in the driveways of lovely villas – roads of high hedges, private lycées, and stone stairs frequented by geckos and outsize grasshoppers. There were times I regretted my impulse, especially near the top, where the houses and even vegetation fell away and the great church seemed to stand all alone in a barren and unforgiving Golgotha, through which crumbling and uneven steps wound upwards unshaded like one last test for pilgrims.

These were probably the same steps taken at a rush by the 2nd and 7th Algerian Tirailleurs on the 25th of August 1944, as they battled up towards the German garrison. A shell fired down from the basilica hit a Free French tank called the Jeanne d’Arc, incinerating three of its crew. Those Germans surrendered the same day, but World War Two had not quite done with the building, as it came under fire for two days more from other German positions in the city, with shrapnel scars still visible on the stonework.

But there were pilgrims there at Notre Dame that evening, even as the church was closing up – hundreds of people milling around on the outside terraces, taking in the inspiring prospects of the city far below. I marvelled at their apparent freshness as I gulped down water from a vending machine. I was less impressed – and felt repulsively virtuous – to find that there was an easy road up, with dozens of buses and cars awaiting those they had brought.

It was not until the following day that I had the chance to see inside the great basilica, built between 1853 and 1893, on the site of a 13th century chapel. Its monumental outline, its tower surmounted with its gold Madonna and Child, has featured on tourist ware ever since inception, but it is inside that its emotional significance becomes clear. France was notoriously anti-clerical even in the 19th century, and Marseille has always been one of France’s most radical (and now also Islamic) towns – but Notre Dame still offers spiritual solace to at least some Marseillais and Marseillaise.

Some Protestants would sniff, but the lavish interior is wonderfully adorned with ex-votos donated by worshippers who wished to express their gratitude for deliverance from some danger or illness. The walls are covered with paintings and other artworks depicting house fires escaped, once-afflicted limbs, sailed-on ships, and flown-in aircraft, while beautifully detailed models dangle down from the vault (many others are in a museum downstairs). These are touching testaments by true believers, to ghostly physicians and guardian angels they believed (and believe) are still watching over us, even in an era of unbelief – true faith helicoptered into the 20th and even 21st centuries. I felt I liked those unknown people much more than the boorish show-off I noticed shuffling along the aisles wearing a T-shirt bearing the un-churchlike, even inhuman, enquiry, “Do I look like a fucking people person?” Some people will do anything to assert their alleged individuality.

Back down the hill is the very different church of Abbaye St-Victor, originally part of a 5th century monastery built on a burial ground for martyrs, most notably Victor of Marseille, who according to legend was a Roman army officer beheaded in 290 for kicking over a statue of Jupiter. (“Some people will do anything to assert their alleged individuality”!) One ex-Abbot would become Pope Urban V, one of the Avignon popes. Externally, the church resembles a fortress, which it needed to be, on this site outside the city walls. Some of the walls are ten feet thick, layered and strengthened between the 10th and 12th centuries. The nave is cool darkness, lifted only by sanctuary lamp and shrine lights – but the real interest of the church is in the crypt, a complex of old arches, little chapels and walkways, with some sarcophagi going back to the late Roman era.

In the crypt of the Abbaye St-Victor
Roman sarcophagus in the crypt of the Abbaye St-Victor

Ancient though the Abbaye is, it feels callow in comparison with the Cosquer Cave. The actual Cosquer Cave is unfortunately inaccessible to everyone except licensed divers – its entrance now around 100 feet under water, although the cave itself is dry. But it was possible for Palaeolithic people to walk into the cave – and they did, until slowly rising sea levels made it first difficult to use, and eventually to fall out of memory. Then in 1985, a speleologist-diver named Henri Cosquer daringly went into an underwater tunnel in the cliff of the Calange de Morgiou, and surfaced into a prehistoric art gallery. We can visit this vicariously thanks to an amazing reconstruction on the northern bank of the Vieux Port, in a fine modern building cantilevered over the water.

Between around 27,000 BC and 19,000 BC, people drew and painted in the cave – everyday animals, and piquant outlines of their own hands. Most of the animals they depicted would not be visible now in this region – bison, seals, beautifully detailed wild horses – and at least one is not visible anywhere, the great auk, in prehistoric times a common seabird around European shores (and origin of our word ‘penguin’), but now extinct, with the last recorded specimens beaten to death off Iceland in 1844. Visitors are transported around the ‘cave’ in electric carts, but the trip is more immersive than it probably sounds, thanks to the scale and detail of the reconstruction, worked out to the smallest stalagmite. There is a palpable sense of the mystery and wonder of the prehistoric cave – a space not just to shelter and sleep, but also a theatre for the early human imagination. Above, in the contrastingly bright exhibit hall, are life size models of some of the many animals which the cave dwellers would have – elk, aurochs, lions and saiga antelopes – seeming in that white space to hover like avatars of ancient bioabundance.

***

As we rumbled along a baking and narrow road in our 4×4, I was thinking of a painting I remembered from childhood – ‘Bee-eaters in the rain,’ by Abel Chapman (1851-1929). Chapman, son of a Sunderland wine merchant, was an artist-hunter-conservationist instrumental in the foundation of Spain’s Cota Doñana nature reserve, and preventing the Spanish ibex from becoming extinct. He travelled all over the world, and was friends with the likes of Frederick Selous, the explorer and soldier who was the model for H. Rider Haggard’s ‘Allan Quatermain,’ and after whom the Rhodesian Army named their elite unit, the Selous Scouts.

‘Bee-Eaters in the Rain’ had been in another favourite book of my youth – Chapman’s Memories of Fourscore Years Less Two, published posthumously in 1930. It was just one of many fine oils, created in places from the Arctic to the Serengeti, showing such spectacles as lions roaring across the Serengeti and wildebeest migrating across the Rift Valley. One of the many places Chapman had visited in his full life was the Camargue, where he had painted this group of claret, turquoise and yellow birds flitting gorgeously through gentle grey rain, which had somehow suggested to my childish mind the vast marshes and salt-spits of the delta.

But it was not these we had come to see on our Camargue ‘safari,’ let alone Moorcock’s ornithopters. We were in search of a bird almost as fantastical to northern European eyes – the thousands of flamingos who lend Alice in Wonderland surrealism to France’s southernmost saltmarshes.

A rice irrigation channel

The Camargue, islanded between two branches of the Rhône and the sea, is divided into two parts by a large lagoon, the Étang de Vaccarès – the highly fertile north, and the barren but beautiful south. France is one of only five European countries that grows rice, and it is only the Camargue that can produce it – thanks to an elaborate irrigation system built up over centuries, diverting river waters across vast levels swept clean by Provence’s many distinctive winds – the Mistral and Tramontane (from the north), the Levant (from the east),  and the Marin and Sirocco (from the south). The rice-fields feel very ‘foreign’ – flat, large, and darkly green with the crop just coming, and in between them elephant grass, reeds, tinkling channels and runnels of warm Rhône disappearing into pipes to pass under little roads. Flamingos sometimes descend into these fields, to the disgust of farmers, but the only animals we saw were crimson dragonflies and large lizards (most likely the Common Wall Lizard) which only moved when you were almost standing on them. Rice is not cheap to produce – it requires huge quantities of fresh water, and maintenance of countless irrigation channels and sluices – but Camargue riz can command a premium, whether on the shelves of the Arles branch of Monoprix, or far-away Waitrose.

As well as flamingos, the Camargue is known for black bulls and white horses. There are two kinds of black bulls in the Camargue – the Provençal and the Brava, the former lucky enough to be exempted from lethal bullfights. They live in semi-feral conditions under the huge skies, roaming largely at liberty, munching whatever they can find – in appearance as well as habits akin to the buffalo one finds wandering along back roads in India (although with a more peppery temperament).

They are marshalled, when they are marshalled, by gardians (guardians) – ‘cowboys’ who traditionally rode the aforementioned white horses, and around whom there accreted many equestrian and folk customs. Gardians have been present for centuries, predating even the foundation of the brotherhood known as the Confrérie des Gardians in 1512, but they received greater prominence during the 19th and early 20th century Provençal cultural renaissance led by Frédéric Mistral, which drew national attention to the region (the word gardian only passed into national circulation in the 20th century).

Traditional gardian garb includes trilby-type hats, highly coloured shirts and ties, moleskin waistcoats, light trousers and high boots, and they would carry a long thumb-stick for controlling the cattle. They lived in thatched windowless cottages, sometimes with a rounded northern end to blunt the force of the Mistral, with bulls’ horns set above the door to ward off evil spirits. There are around 2,500 gardians today, still playing a vital agricultural role, but also putting on bull and horse spectacles for tourists.

The horses they ride are born black or brown, and only turn white in their third or fourth year. Like the cattle, they are semi-feral, living outdoors all year round, and are renowned for spiritedness. Seen en masse, they can be majestic, even poetical, as Roy Campbell observed in ‘Horses on the Camargue:’

In the grey wastes of dread,
The haunt of shattered gulls where nothing moves
But in a shroud of silence like the dead,
I heard a sudden harmony of hooves,
And, turning, saw afar
A hundred snowy horses unconfined,
The silver runaways of Neptune’s car
Racing, spray-curled, like waves before the wind.
Sons of the Mistral, fleet
As him with whose strong gusts they love to flee,
Who shod the flying thunders on their feet
And plumed them with the snortings of the sea…

The horses we saw were less thunderous. Some were wonderfully earthy, leaning over gates to take from us long grasses they couldn’t reach themselves – their hot breath, tiny hairs and sharp intoxicating tang rising to mingle with smells of dung, mud, old water and the sea, their deep brown eyes blinking as if in sorrow at the flies. We encountered strings of them bearing tourists, clopping along dusty roads lined with holm oaks, juniper and tamarisk, or saw them from further away on the beaches, half-in-half-out of the water – samite steeds sometimes looking disconnected from the earth as temperature inversions hid parts of their bodies.

That storied water, entered from crispy, hot and shell-strewn sand – brackish, shallow, soft, warm, bedded with slime, smelling of salt and more faintly of guano, washing up tiny pink feathers from the dozens of flamingos that hovered and hoovered further out, placing clumsy feet precisely, sieving tiny shrimp like the ones that raced away from my feet, using those croquet-mallet beaks that so captured Lewis Carroll’s imagination. They sieved and stalked, sieved and stalked, on the edge of Europe and imagination, like visitors from some other planet, coming in and out of focus as the air shimmered around them and us as we stewed in the giant salt-pan of the South – an actualisation of a vision of youth, evoked even now by the three still mud-stained feathers I picked up and pocketed, before me now on my desk – functional agglomerations of keratin proteins but also magical passports.

Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer is curiously un-Camargue-like – like so many seaside settlements in its feeling of insubstantiality and precariety, but attractive – unlike many seaside settlements elsewhere. Many of the central buildings are home to ice-cream shops and the like, except for the handsome Église des Saintes-Maries, fortified in the 14th century against pirate attacks, and with its own water supply – a church literally militant, used to defend villagers while pirates rampaged outside. In the crypt is the swarthy effigy of Sarah – according to legend Egyptian servant to Jesus’s aunt, who after coming ashore on the Camargue with her and other New Testament characters set about preaching the Gospel with rare eloquence and vigour.

Sarah’s ‘Egyptianness’ means she even now exerts a powerful attraction on devout gypsies (who were themselves long thought to originate from Egypt), who ever since the 16th century have piled into town each May to do her honour with a grand festival. Sarah’s statue, and those of her equally charmed companions, are carried down to the sea, accompanied by mounted gardians in full traditional garb, amid guitarists, singers, tambourinists and the clangour of church bells, all of this blessed by the bishop aboard a bobbing fishing boat – a colourful and melodious memory of a long ago legendary landing.

It was quieter in late August, sitting alone in the evening on the apex of the church’s gently sloping roof. I looked north through haze towards the rice-fields and Arles, east towards La Crau and the Riviera, west towards Montpellier and the Languedoc, and far south beyond the umbrella-studded little beach to the sighing Gulf of Lion. It was a memorable last misty vista, a farewell to a legendary landing of my own. Provence was already slipping back into story.

The Last Man on Mars

PAUL DEANE is a computational linguist by profession and a poet by avocation. Since 1999, he has edited Forgotten Ground Regained, a website and (since 2023) a quarterly journal devoted to modern English alliterative verse. Three of his poems appear in Dennis W. Wise’s 2023 anthology, Speculative Poetry and the Modern Alliterative Revival: A Critical Anthology

Author’s Note: This poem was inspired by Zach and Kelly Weinersmith’s Hugo-Award-winning book, A City on Mars, and commemorates in advance the fate of a Mars colony planted in the spirit of “move fast and break things”. Its form is an updated version of Old English alliterative verse (what the author calls “tail-stave meter”) in which alliteration is keyed to the end of the line. When you read it, you will no doubt notice multiple allusions to the 1960s and 1970s, when I came of age. I first read The Lord of the Rings at age 11, when one of my father’s co-workers gave me a copy. Not long after, I was assiduously reading science fiction and fantasy – Asimov and Heinlein, Patricia McKillip and Tanith Lee. 2001: A Space Odyssey was one of the first adult movies I remember watching. That was an era that anticipated futures that are now looking all too real, which is what this poem is about. A sound file of ‘Last Man on Mars’ follows:

The Last Man on Mars

They told us to volunteer. We had what it took,

or so they said. We were the new settlers

on the Final Frontier, that bold fiction

that made Captain Kirk (not Musk) our king.

Only the best and the brightest could hope to beat

such terrible odds so far from Earth

and reclaim a world from its long wasting.


The rockets thundered. We sat enthroned

on rising prayer and the pulse of peril.

Orbiting outward, we followed an arc

that ate up years – but we were young,

self-proclaimed heroes, harbingers of hope.

Our landers disgorged metal golems

whose open maws swallowed mountains.

Caverns and domes drew the city of our dreams,

our eternal Rome, our new Jerusalem.


But the rooms were cold, miscarriages common.

In the face of famine, supply ships were few.

We found that Mars made a harsh mistress

and fought for freedom but ran short of fuel.

Our overlords learned that asteroids are easier,

a better investment that never revolts.

But robot miners need direction,

so our Olympian citadel is server central,

and here I sit on the dead-man’s switch,

lest Hal come, drawn from some dark dream,

                              and say, “I am sorry, Dave –”

Anthony Powell – a century’s chronicler-conjuror

Dance to the Music of Time, by Nicholas Poussin (c.1640)

A framed letter faces me on the desk as I write this. Composed in an engaging mix of spidery longhand and erratic manual-typewriting, with a rubber-stamped phone number giving it a further touch of the haphazard, dated September 1992, it reads:

Dear Mr. Sandford

I am delighted you like Dance well enough to want more, but I have always set me [sic] face against doing any sort of coda after I finished, because even while I was writing, it was difficult enough to keep the same tone of voice, and now that I am so ancient it would be quite impossible. All the same, kind of you to ask.

Yours sincerely

Anthony Powell

PS I expect you know Hilary Spurling’s Handbook to a Dance (Heinemann), which is very good and amusing.

It was the beginning of a modest correspondence I kept up with Powell, author of the magisterial 12-novel sequence A Dance to the Music of Time – the last volume of which appeared a blink-of-an-eye half-century ago, in September 1975 – during the remaining eight years of his life. He would have been 86 at the time of our initial exchange, and by all accounts was becoming increasingly crotchety, not least in the matter of the correct pronunciation of a name he insisted should rhyme with ‘bowl’, not ‘trowel’.

One freezing January morning later in the 1990s, a plumber answered an urgent call to attend to a burst pipe at a large Georgian house in the English countryside near Bath. An elderly man dressed in tweed answered the door.

“Mr. Powell?” asked the plumber, pronouncing it Pow-ell.

“There is no one here of that name,” replied the old man.

“Oh, sorry,” said the plumber. “I must be at the wrong house.”

“I can’t help you,” said the old man.

The plumber then drove around the frozen neighbourhood before being told that Anthony Powell did indeed live in the house he had just visited. So he returned.

The same man opened the door. This time the plumber enquired, “Does a Mr. Powell live here?” “No,” the elderly gentleman said. “However, do you mean Pole?” The plumber nodded. “Ah! Then go round to the back door, the leak is in the kitchen.”

This is surely a scene that could have been torn direct from the pages of Dance, peopled as it is by a cast of louche London artistic types, colourful military coves and eccentric English landed squires. The sequence has been described as everything from “Proust anglicised” to “a kind of social accountancy, and not much more enlivening than the financial sort.” Evelyn Waugh’s son Auberon (of whom more presently) thought the whole thing no more than “an early upmarket TV soap.” PG Wodehouse, by contrast, was “absolutely stunned by [Powell’s] artistry.” Fifty years later, the critical divide persists. Powell’s magnum opus has become an odd sort of cult work, its reputation kept alive not just by the devotees who have loved or still love it – among them Christopher Hitchens, Stephen King and Clive James, who called Dance “the best modern novel since Ulysses” – but by those who love to hate it and consider the whole thing a testament to staleness.

I’m in the supporters’ camp. Taken as a whole, the Dance’s twelve-book sequence strikes me as an unsurpassable panorama of a vanished Britain, and – lest you not yet have made its acquaintance – an almost chemically addictive joy to read; hence my brazen request of its author for more of the same. But here’s a curious thing. As I say, I had the pleasure of corresponding with and meeting Powell himself, and have read and re-read both his novels and the various biographies, particularly the aforesaid Hilary Spurling’s, and yet the more one comes to learn about the man the more elusive he seems to be as a flesh-and-blood human being – not to mention one whose life took him from a lonely and nomadic boyhood at around the time of the First World War to the twilight years spent as an obsessive genealogist and high-and-dry Tory who, almost incredibly, survived long enough to see in the twenty-first century. All I can add by way of a physical sketch is that in person Powell was compact, immaculately turned out in a manner that seemed to have been frozen in place since about the year 1933, with a piercing stare under incongruously untidy eyebrows, and a sharp, nasal voice that was close to a comic turn in itself.

Anthony Powell in 1934

On the other hand, in a canonical work full of shadows, as Powell nearly wrote in Books Do Furnish a Room, certain characters are bound to be shadowy. There is the superbly detached role, to cite only the most obvious example, he gives his alter ego Nick Jenkins, the narrator of A Dance to the Music of Time. Both the author and his fictional self seem to have gone through life as scrupulously neutral observers of the human condition, rarely if ever offering a declarative judgement on people or events, let alone asserting their own identities. There’s a section in the early wartime novel The Valley of Bones, about midway through the whole sequence, where Jenkins’s wife Isobel suddenly goes into labour with the couple’s first child, an event she announces with the line: ‘Look here, I’m sorry to have to call attention to myself at this moment, but I’m feeling awfully funny. I think perhaps I’d better go to my room.’ This same sense of supreme self-effacement applied equally to the author who gave her the lines to speak, who himself once said, ‘I have absolutely no clear picture of myself’, and confessed that he began writing shortly after coming down from Oxford in large part because he couldn’t think of anything else to do, rather than due to any particular aptitude or talent.

With respect to that judgement, it strikes me as taking diffidence to unnatural lengths, if not to qualify Powell as a martyr to false modesty. Taken as a whole, Dance is a fiendishly intricate literary feat, which its author carries off throughout the whole 3,000-page, million-word sequence as it passes over some sixty years of English social history, conveyed through perfectly ordinary (which is to say, often absurd) situations rather than conventional drama. It remains a singular, and brilliantly sustained, achievement of twentieth-century letters. Powell himself, as conveyed by his biographers, may be retiring to the point of near invisibility, but his great roman fleuve more than once touches the artistic heights occupied by P G Wodehouse and Evelyn Waugh.

Yes, to address a frequently heard opinion of the Dance sequence, there are moments where the prose is arid and the terminology fustily dated. Powell’s characters adopt “sun spectacles”, for example, when finding themselves in “not wholly inclement climes”, or travel on that “uncomfortable but commodious conveyance” the Clapham omnibus. It might be said that the author sometimes makes heavy work of simply getting the reader from A to B. When introducing the minor character Rosie Manasch, a patron of the arts who emerges in the tenth installment of the series, Books Do Furnish a Room, Powell notes: “In the course of further preliminary conclaves with Bagshaw on the subject of Fission’s first number, mention was again made of an additional personage, a woman, who was backing the magazine.”

Or, of a pair of MPs, Labour and Conservative, meeting at a funeral described in the same book: “The two had gravitated together in response to that immutable law of nature which rules that the whole confraternity of politicians prefers to operate within the closed circle of its own initiates, rather than waste time with outsiders; differences of party and opinion having little or no bearing upon the preference.”

The Dance, then, may have an old-fashioned roll to it, but beyond the occasional dowager style Powell’s genius was surely to sustain a vibrant, and highly credible, self-contained imaginative world. Some of the series’ individual performers recur from book to book, going on from school to university, their careers interweaving, marrying, divorcing, fighting for their country, haunting the rackety dives of postwar Soho, and finally catching up with life in the hedonistic, culturally vapid 1970s. As anyone who’s ever written a novel will tell you, it’s hard enough to plausibly develop even a single life over any protracted amount of time. Powell does this for literally scores of deftly sketched, sometimes honourable, not infrequently comic, invariably compelling leading characters, appearing and disappearing and then reappearing at intervals, all in perfectly logical order, guiding us from the Great War to the moon landings in the process, with the subordinate cast, typically drawn from the English literary or artistic demi-monde, providing the crucial ballast.

In short, Powell’s achievement is that of the architect as well as the author. The delicate slapstick of events is slowly drawn together, the apparent coincidences and chance reunions never less than true to life, the touch exquisitely light in its sardonic treatment of the material.  Here is Powell’s doppelgänger Nick Jenkins, musing in a rare moment of intellectual candour, in the third book of the sequence The Acceptance World:

I began to brood on the complexity of writing a novel about English life, a subject difficult enough to handle with authenticity even of a crudely naturalistic sort, even more to convey the inner truth of the things observed … Intricacies of social life make English habits unyielding to simplification, while understatement and irony – in which all classes of this island converse – upset the normal emphasis of reported speech.

As often noted, Powell’s opus is really a form of elegant soap opera, with cyclical themes and characters, and an infallible knack – the envy of many a television screenwriter – of ending each episode with a crisis. (Powell spent the winter of 1936-37 script-doctoring in Hollywood for Warner Brothers, an experience, however venal, he later admitted was invaluable ‘when one came to the engineering’ of Dance.) When the series’ narrator joins the army in 1939, he is promptly assigned to the corrosive Kenneth Widmerpool, his school contemporary of twenty years earlier. The physically clumsy, socially tone-deaf Widmerpool then returns at intervals in each of the remaining novels of the series, variously translated from soldier to businessman to MP to university chancellor-cum-pagan cultist, a figure at once ludicrous and sinister, and taken as a whole one of the great comic ogres of 20th century literature. It says something for Powell’s artistry that there was intense competition among his circle to be publicly identified as the model for a character synonymous with the harsh and manipulative use of power, the author’s brother-in-law Lord Longford laying the strongest claim, but the likes of Powell’s wartime chief Denis Capel-Dunn, the richly-tinted jurist and latterly Lord Chancellor, Reginald Manningham-Buller, the art historian Gerald Reitlinger, and even the sometime Tory prime minister Ted Heath all making a persuasive bid for consideration.

If not exactly required reading these days, Powell’s masterpiece remains one of Western literature’s enduring feats, and might even be one of the few things that nurtures an awareness of an older, more reticent England, not dead, perhaps, but gone into hiding until the present tabloid version self-destructs. The author himself lived long enough to see such bracing developments in British life as the advent of punk rock and of Sarah, Duchess of York, as well as a modern idiom in which domestics would come to refer to assaults, not servants – all recorded in his wonderfully mordant late-life diaries. A modest man with a profound dislike of reckless informality and self-promotion, Powell continued working almost until the end, publishing the final volume of his Journals in 1997, not long before Channel 4 finally succeeded in bringing a seven-hour version of his magnum opus to television screens. He once told me in characteristic tones that he was “not wholly unsatisfied” by the Dance sequence (in written, if not screen format) as a whole. It remains good literary fun, like all the best fiction a brilliantly contrived escape from the banality of the real world. The author Michael Frayn perhaps put it best when he recalled of stumbling on Powell for the first time: “It was like discovering a complete civilisation – and not in some remote valley of the Andes or the Himalayas, but in the midst of my own life … Another world had been superimposed upon my own, refracting and reflecting it.”

As mentioned, Powell brought his opus to a triumphant conclusion with its final installment, Hearing Secret Harmonies, as long ago as September 1975, and resisted all overtures to revive it from behind its marble slab at any point during the remaining quarter-century of his life. That decision notwithstanding, the years in question were far from without interest for him. Apart from turning out a stream of increasingly free-form reviews and memoirs, Powell found himself at the age of 84 embroiled in one of those explosive literary feuds the English seem to do almost as well as their genius for the political sex scandal, and which itself might have graced the pages of Dance. His adversary in the matter was Evelyn Waugh’s eldest son, Auberon, who published a damning review of Powell’s latest volume of memoirs in the Sunday Telegraph, a paper to which they were both long-time contributors. When the moment came, Hilary Spurling would pass lightly over the incident in her official life of her subject by taking what could be called the psychological approach to the whole affair. Waugh Jr, she writes, had himself not long beforehand published a memoir,

…contain[ing] a scary portrait of Evelyn as a monstrous egoist who regarded all his sons, and this one in particular, as rivals to be snubbed, derided and put down. Even in his own distress, Powell regarded young Auberon’s response [to his book] as essentially vicarious, the vengeful product of a largely loveless childhood.

Be that as it may, Powell went ballistic, severing his relations with the Telegraph, who rather bizarrely commissioned a bust of their departing eminence grise but then found they had nowhere to put it. It perched for a while on an office filing cabinet. The Powells and the Waughs never spoke again. Somehow, the whole episode could once again have been taken from one of those darkly comic contemplations of the postwar London literary scene that enliven Books Do Furnish a Room, the tenth and in my judgement best individual installment of the Dance.

Anthony Powell was that highly overused word, unique. The room he occupied in the mansion of English literature was distinct, located on a level where no one else regularly ascended, although Evelyn Waugh might be said to have inhabited broadly the same space. Any reader not yet familiar with the Dance, widely available today in various formats, should treat themselves to one or more of its volumes immediately. The dozen subsidiary novels, so beautifully written, so riotously entertaining, for all their pervasive air of English melancholy and social decay, are the work of a master of his craft. We have not his equal.

“Glorie of Spayne”

I started awake as the plane came into land. The cactuses along the edges of the runway suggested even to my stupefied senses that we were no longer in Birmingham. Distinctly un-English heat fell heavily on our heads and draped itself around our shoulders as we walked into the terminal below the giant, magic word, “Sevilla.” As our taxi whizzed along the Avenida Kansas City into the long sought-for metropolis, we moved surreally sideways in culture, space and time.

Once established in Seville’s old town, we ventured out for a first foray into a streetscape which had not altered in its essentials for several centuries – narrow calles, often cobbled, lined with white several-storeyed houses, with a whiff of drains, interspersed with baroque churches of gilt-encumbered altars, wounded Jesuses and weeping Virgins.

In August, these churches are eerily expectant, open only briefly in the evening, lavish theatrical sets for rare individual worshippers. It is hard to visualize them in Holy Week, when they thrum with eldritch energy, as hundreds of pointed-hooded ‘penitents’ parade monstrances and lurid Passion tableaux into the streets under the regard of thousands – phone-pressing tourists of course, but among these also true believers, witnesses to a faith that still subsists in this land long ago hard-won from Islam.

Wilting after our early start, and unaccustomed to 38˚heat after an English summer hitherto notable only for its almost complete absence of sunshine, we dined gratefully on Greek salad in the Alameda de Hercules, under the gaze of the Greek god and Julius Caesar standing on the tops of Roman columns – statues of the mythical founder of the city, and the emperor who gave it its first urban statute.

Seville is ancient indeed, its locale inhabited by ‘Celtiberians’ at least a millennium before Christ, who founded a town called El Carambolo (later absorbed into Seville’s western suburbs) and traded in precious metals mined in the hills around. Greeks and Phoenicians came to trade in copper, silver and gold, and some settled along the banks of the broad river then called the Tartessos.

Celtiberian figure

The Phoenicians’ settlement was called Hisbaal (a reference to their deity Baal) or Spal, the dankly powerful remnants of which underpin one of Seville’s latest landmarks, built between 2006 and 2011 – the huge wooden structure (perhaps the world’s largest) nicknamed ‘Las Setas’ (The Mushrooms) because of its shape, from the top of which on an August afternoon there are near-blinding views of the brilliant-white contemporary skyline. 

The Romans took Spal from the Phoenicians’ Carthaginian successors (Hannibal’s wife is said to have come from this area), and dubbed it Hispalis – although their chief settlement hereabouts was the colony of Itálica, founded by Scipio, whose well-preserved ruins are just northwest of the present city. They renamed the Tartessos the Bætis, and the surrounding province of Hispania Ulterior (later Hispania Bætica) became prosperous and prestigious, with Emperors Hadrian and Trajan both born in Itálica (possibly also Theodosius) – and the poet Martial a long-time resident, who interestingly records seeing castanet-clicking Tartessian dancers some seventeen centuries before the word ‘flamenco’ was first recorded.

The name Andalusia comes from the Arabic term for the entire Iberian peninsula, al-Andalus, ‘land of the Vandals’ – a reference to the Germanic tribe that overran Iberia after the fall of the Western Empire, and then fought enthusiastically among themselves. One eighth century Visigoth kinglet had the bright idea of requesting military assistance from nearby North Africa, within view just across the Pillars of Hercules. Like many an importer of mercenaries before and since, the unhappy kinglet then found himself unable to get his ‘guests’ to go.

From 711 onwards, Moorish armies surged across much of present-day Spain and Portugal, and famously menaced even France, before ultimate downfall more than seven centuries later, in Europe’s pivotal year of 1492. The Moors were more than formidable fighters; they were also agricultural innovators, instigating impressive irrigation schemes and introducing lemons and the oranges with which Seville is now synonymous. They gave the Tartessos/Bætis its ‘final’ name, Guadalquivir, derived from the Arabic for ‘wide river,’ erected some still-extraordinary edifices and presided over some highly cultivated courtly cultures which both perpetuated Greek learning and encouraged new intellectual experimentation (within certain politic limits).

Moorish Andalusia is often adduced as an historical example of ‘tolerant’ Islam – a rhetorical counterpoint to other portrayals of Islam as a narrow-minded and rebarbative force bent on global domination. One suspects this is overdone; many of the Christians and Jews who lived under Moorish suzerainty cannot have seen their situation so sunnily. They were subject to heavy special taxes, and there would have been daily indignities. Even by the standards of the early Middle Ages, the annual tribute of one hundred Christian virgins to the Moorish monarch must have grated, while the most tendentious Moorish apologist cannot deny the frequently vicious internecine conflicts of the courts. Some Moorish dynasties were ostentatiously brutal, like the 11th century Abbadid ruler who ‘decorated’ his forts with flowers planted in the skulls of enemies.

Moorish influence is nevertheless everywhere to be seen in southern Spain, and indelible – from the domes and arches of former mosques, and the characteristic castellation of their forts, to the plashing fountains in private courtyards that afford psychological as well as visual relief amidst August’s punishing heats. The Mozarabic Christians living under and influenced by Islam were later mirrored by the Mudéjar Muslims living under and influenced by Christianity, and their cultures run into each other in all kinds of ways – from architectural styles and the colourful azulejo tiles for which modern Spain and Portugal are noted, to cuisine and language. Even the Spanish national hero known as ‘El Cid’ – the eleventh century warrior Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar – fought both with and against Moorish forces, depending on circumstances. Andalusia’s still notable Christian ardency may also be a paradoxical legacy of Islam – its defensive fervency a reaction to humiliating centuries of second-class status.   

It is probably impossible to separate ‘Moorishness’ from a more generic ‘Mediterranean’ culture, where modes of living on all coasts have always borne similarities, because of the shared climate and geography on top of millennia of intellectual or more violent interactions. But there is ‘un-European’ exoticism to be found in the culture of Andalusia – a culture which for many outsiders has become a kind of shorthand for all of Spain. Specifically Andalusian traditions such as flamenco, bull-fighting, and tapas – as well as its arid, olive-treed, ruined castle-dotted landscapes – have become stereotypical images of the whole country, which must surely irk many Aragonese, Asturians, Basques, Castilians, Catalonians, and Galicians.

The Moors, so long militarily dominant, eventually became etiolated – divided among themselves, and some of their rulers possibly too ‘civilized’ to worry about their frontiers. Burgeoning Christian kings of an increasingly self-conscious and gradually coalescing Spain placed ever-growing pressure, and Seville was retaken by the Christians in 1248. In 1492, the last Moorish ruler in Spain, King Boabdil of Granada, was forced to hand over the keys of the Alhambra – famously weeping as he looked back on Granada for the last time, for which his mother rebuked him, “You do well, to weep like a woman for what you failed to defend as a man!”

Seville’s most expansive days were now to come, as it became first the launching pad of epic expeditions, and then chief port for the Spanish Empire, safely upriver from dangerous Barbary corsairs, but with easy access to the Atlantic. Audacious navigators set off down the turtle-haunted waterway, most celebratedly Columbus, who may have been Italian but had a crew made up largely of local men. A modern statue of one local boy, Rodrigo de Triana, stands in the Triana riverside district, his plinth bearing the laconic inscription “Tierra!” (Land!) – the single word he shouted when he was the first to espy the Americas.

Magellan’s equally world-altering expedition set out from here in August 1519, five tiny (approximately 50 tons) carracks like the Victoria, tasked with finding a western route to the spice islands. The Victoria was the only one to return, in September 1522, the first ship to circumnavigate the world. Magellan had been killed in the Moluccas, and the Spanish are proud that it was one of their own, the Basque captain Juan Sebastián de Elcano, who completed the voyage. As he wrote in his none-too modest memoirs, “I was the first to close the globe in my wake…my journey has become a legend.”

A seaworthy replica of the Victoria – harbinger of whole Indies fleets – is tied up alongside at Seville, beside a small museum explaining something of the context and consequences of that world-changing voyage. Coloured late fifteenth century portolan charts show fairly carefully inked coastlines as far north as Britain, as far south as the Cape of Good Hope and all around the Mediterranean littoral – but blank or simply sketched spaces almost everywhere else, conveying the immensity as well of excitement of the navigators’ tasks.

The Golden Tower

The Golden Tower nearby, which was once used to store the vast treasures brought home from the Americas, now holds a small naval museum, in which the achievements of earlier Spanish sailors are linked proudly to the modern navy. By the late sixteenth century, Seville had become fabulously wealthy, with a population of over 150,000. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, the Spanish controlled an estimated 80% of the world’s silver, mined in South America (Argentina is named after the Spanish word for silver).

A less well-known commodity was cochineal, which arrived in Seville by the shipload (in 1587 alone, an estimated 72 tons – equivalent to over 10 billion beetles), and sold on under Spanish monopoly – dyeing the famous velvets of Venice, crimsoning cardinals’ robes across the Catholic world, and even Buddhist temples in Siam. This is not to mention Spain’s long domination of the tobacco trade – symbolized in Seville by the Antigua Fábrica de Tabacos, where Bizet’s gypsy Carmen rolled cigars and dreamed of her toreador.

In Spain – at least, in Andalusia – there is little public evidence of the angst presently eating at other Western countries with colonial pasts. To make an anecdotal but possibly not wholly worthless point, many obvious tourists as well as residents (we met Seville residents from Colombia and Venezuela) appear to bear Mesoamerican physical traces, suggesting not just the length of these connections but also an ease with them. Road names and statues referencing the Empire remain sturdily in situ, and buildings like the many national pavilions built for 1929’s hugely ambitious (but unluckily-timed) Ibero-American Exposition retain their original names. Evocative documents like the crew lists, cargo manifests and royal charters of globe-redrawing expeditions are guarded by serious-faced security at the Archive of the Indies, beside the Cathedral. Epic imperial undertakings are almost as intertwined with Spanish identity as Catholicism.      

The Columbus Memorial

Inside the Cathedral – built on the site of a grand mosque, and the world’s largest church by cubic area – is the late 19th century tomb of Columbus designed by the sevillano sculptor, Arturo Mélida. This was originally intended for the cathedral at Havana, but was erected here instead after the Spanish-American War showed Spain’s imperial glory-days were finally over. Columbus’s coffin (which may not actually contain his remains, which were moved several times) is upheld by four imposingly inhuman figures, symbols of the kingdoms of Aragón, Castile, León and Navarra. The lance held in Castile’s free hand once impaled a secondary symbol, a pomegranate – Granada in Spanish, a lapidary insult to the last of the Moors.

The main surviving part of the old mosque is the Cathedral’s bell-tower, the Giralda, which was once the minaret. Those uneasy with such old Christian triumphalism ought to recall that the mosque itself had been a triumphalist structure, symbolically built on a base of smashed Roman statuary. The Giralda – named after its sixteenth century giraldillo (weather vane) – is now the stereotypical symbol of Seville, seen everywhere on tourist ephemera, and more lastingly in the many old paintings seen around the city, showing the city’s two patron saints, Justa and Rufina, upholding the tower to prevent it falling during the Great Lisbon Earthquake of 1755. The Cathedral displays a fine Justa y Rufina by Goya – although the most famous painters associated with Seville are Murillo, Velázquez and Leal, all born in the city, with plentiful examples of their works on display in churches, museums and former palaces.

The most beautiful artwork in the Cathedral itself is undoubtedly the altarpiece designed by the Flemish carver Pieter Dancart, which was begun in 1482 and took 80 years to complete (the Spanish controlled all or most of modern-day Holland and Belgium between 1556 and 1714). Showing 45 scenes from Christ’s life, it is the world’s largest altarpiece at almost 90 feet high and 72 feet wide, and is coated with an estimated three tons of gold. The Spanish love of precious metals also extends to silver, with the word “Plateresque” (‘in the manner of a silversmith’) coined to describe first Spanish, and then any architecture, of the 15th-17th centuries that combines Gothic proportion and scale with especially ornate or flamboyant designs.

The ponderous lugubriousness of the Spanish brand of Catholicism is everywhere evident in Seville – perhaps most searingly in the Hospital de la Caridad, founded by Don Miguel de Mañara (1627-1679), and completed in 1674. Mañara had been a notorious youthful libertine, until one day he had a terrifying ‘preview’ of his own funeral procession. Shaken to his soul by this ‘sight’ (and an outbreak of plague, which killed thousands of Sevillians), he joined a local brotherhood, whose avocation it was to inter the bodies of criminals, plague-victims and vagrants, and used his family fortune to found the Hospital for the relief of the poor and dying – for which it is still used. Dignified venerable men saunter in and out of the stately complex, or sit outside the front in short-sleeve shirts, composedly awaiting destino.

Details from Leal’s paintings in the Hospital de la Caridad

The Hospital’s magnificent chapel was decorated by eight paintings by Murillo, and four of his works are still here; the others, looted by the French during the Peninsular Wars, ended up ecumenically in London, Ottowa, St. Petersburg and Washington. There are also two striking paintings by Leal, on the theme of the Triumph of Death – one showing a trampling skeleton pointing to the words In ictu oculi (‘in the blink of an eye’), and the other, inscribed Ni más, ni menos (‘no more, no less’), showing a rotting coffin and a decomposing bishop so gruesomely realistic Murillo marvelled “you have to hold your nose to look at it.”

Mañara himself decomposes in the crypt, although his stone was set at his request in the chapel’s doorway so it could be stepped upon by all comers. He also left a small body of disconsolate writings, translated as Discourse on Truth. Here is a characteristic extract:

Seek out Alexander, call for Scipio, and perhaps their ashes will be in some mud wall or in the soil of a garden…Who would believe that the body of Julius Caesar, whom the whole world feared, is now growing cabbages in an orchard?

From Seville’s Roman fathers, Mañara came even closer to home:

Consider a vault; enter it with consideration, and set yourself to looking at your parents, or your wife (if you have lost her), or the friends you knew; consider the silence. Not a sound is heard; only the gnawing of the maggots and the worms can be heard. And where is the noise of pageboys and lackeys? Everything comes there; observe the jewels of the palace of the dead: some spider webs.

Upstairs in the Hospital’s hot, still and silent treasury, possibly overcome by the horror of the human condition, a security guard dozed at his desk.

Alcazar is another word derived from Arabic, and examples may be found in many Spanish towns. Seville’s Alcazar is one of the best known and largest of these citadel-palaces – begun in the eighth century on the site of a Roman barracks, and later strengthened and adorned by the Abbadids, and then the 12th/13th century Almohads. The Alcazar we see today is however mostly a Christian construction, begun not long after 1248. King Pedro I of Castile and León (r. 1350-69), amusingly nicknamed both “The Cruel” and “The Just,” carried out major reconstruction cannibalising other Moorish buildings, and much of this is still visible today.

Pedro was certainly capable of cruelty, notoriously murdering the Archbishop of Santiago – and, here in the Alcazar, his own cousin (Pedro himself was later murdered, stabbed to death in a tent). On the other hand, he generally protected Jews, merchants and peasants, and sided with the Moors on occasion. One emir gave him an enormous ruby as reward for assistance rendered, which ended up in the English Crown Jewels. The English took Pedro’s part in the Castilian Civil War of 1351-69, the Black Prince personally helping him win the Battle of Navarette of 1367. Two of the daughters Peter had with his pulchritudinous mistress, María de Padilla – so beautiful it was said courtiers vied to drink her bath water – married sons of England’s Edward III, so becoming wives to the first Dukes of both York (Edmund of Langley) and Lancaster (John of Gaunt). He is honoured in Chaucer’s ‘Monk’s Tale’ – “O noble, O worthy Petro, glorie of Spayne.”

Baths at the Alcazar

Back in Pedro’s dream-palace, there are marble-columned windows, arched and vegetation-shaded verandas, pierced pendant friezes and fretwork and overhanging rooves, and syncretical juxtapositions, with Christian lion symbols ‘guarding’ the gates, and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V’s personal motto Plus Ultra (‘Yet Further’) appearing on walls near older Kufic inscriptions still lauding Allah. The frantic and repetitive geometric patterning of Moorish wall-tiles seen here and in many other places strongly suggest artistic frustration of not being allowed to depict figures; beautiful though the tiles undoubtedly are, they offer little human interest.

Through a great door to the right is the Salón del Almirante, named in honour of Columbus’s official title of Gran Almirante (Great Admiral). In this suite of rooms, Columbus, Balboa and others discussed and plotted some of the earliest American voyages, and changed the world. In the Capilla de los Navigantes, a striking 16th century altarpiece shows the Virgin protecting precisely-drawn Spanish ships under her cloak, as well as Columbus and Charles V.

Outside, sun-punished brick walls and Roman-to-medieval columns surround green rectangles of water gulped by goldfish, while red dragonflies oviposit eggs doomed too to be engulfed. Tourists wearing alarming ensembles sip endlessly from plastic bottles, dutifully press audio-guides to moisture-beaded ears, and photograph themselves with fountains. Green parakeets make a similar chattering commotion high up in the crowns of palm trees and among the prickly pear and rosemary, and higher still screaming swifts dash in search of dipteran dinners. Choruses of cicadas chirr and click halfway-down, and ground-level grasshoppers perform prodigies of propulsion flying from your feet. Blackbirds bounce across browned grass, sparrows spik in verdant box-hedges, and geckos charge up the plinths of classical heroes.

Trees are among the chief adornments of southern Spain, valued by enlightened planters over the centuries not just as shelter-givers and food-providers, but often for their own sakes. These trees come from everywhere – Africa, Asia, the Americas and even Australia – planted by botanical benefactors but now abundantly naturalised in this country which scarcely knows snow. Cypresses and pines define boundaries, and mark out classical prospects. Oranges and lemons aromatise and stud even the severest streets, offering festive-hued fruits among arsenic-green foliage. Three-hundred-year-old planes peel picturesquely and susurrate in public squares. Bays and laurels offer flavours for gazpacho, and evergreen crowns for victors. Almonds, avocados, bananas, figs, pears and pineapples prosper in gardens and parks. Enormous rubber trees with writhingly restless trunks spring dynamically skywards and drop hard small seeds with a clack onto the pavements. Cactuses stand stark as skeletons, and palms like punctuation marks, their fronds often fondly intertwined in city balconies by those recalling Christ coming to Jerusalem.

The Holy City comes to mind again not far from the Alcazar, in the Casa de Pilatos – ‘Pilate’s House’ as conjured by the Marqués de Tarifa upon his return from Jerusalem in 1519, where he was said to have seen the study in which the Roman decided the Galilean’s fate. A charmingly anachronistic ‘replica’ of this room stands within a ducal home rich in realer antiquities, including a statue of Athene that may go back to the fifth century BC. Black and white mosaics and reflecting fountains cool down courtyards, and creeping plants climb vermilion walls towards unbroken blue. A column in the chapel is supposed to represent the one at which Christ was flogged at Pilate’s order. Another Rome-recalling tradition tells of an orange tree in the garden sprouting from the spot where a servant unthinkingly dumped the ashes of the Emperor Trajan.

Out beyond the city limits, old olives define the rustic scene, twisted veterans of countless droughts somehow still standing on red earth and endlessly recirculating dust, offering oils for the people and shade for black belligerent bulls. Holm oaks shed acorns for the long pigs whose desirable dried jamón hangs from hooks in supermarkets and delicatessens alike, sweetened and wizened from air-curing, or stained by old smokes.

We come into Cádiz – which claims to be the oldest city in Europe, founded in the second millennium BC – from the north, along an equally venerable highway. Navies of Carthage, Rome and Spain were stationed here, and still are – sleek grey frigates visible from the road, elegantly dangerous presences among the Atlantic haze (it is also the base of the US Sixth Fleet). Its strategic importance attracted unwelcome English attentions often during England’s long wars against ‘the Don.’ In 1587, Drake made havoc in the harbour, ‘singeing the king of Spain’s beard’ as he exulted to Elizabeth, provoking the metaphorically scalded Spaniard to launch the following year’s unlucky Armada. In 1596, the Earl of Essex did more singeing, and Nelson in 1797.

Cádiz shimmers with sea-longing, poised perfectly on the very edge of Europe, every azure horizon beckoning to adventure. A botanical garden along the front contains rare trees from as far away as the Antipodes, and huge cruise ships bulk along the seafront. We raced across burning beach sands to plunge into welcome waves, among tourists but also natives (gaditanos) – a very ‘continental’ blend of highly respectable matrons in voluminous one-pieces, and tattooed and topless young. Salt affects the very stone of Cádiz, coating, pitting and weakening buildings, including the austerely grand Cathedral, which towards the end of the 20th century began weeping stone onto the congregation. 

We downed paella in the plaza before the Cathedral, the sun refracting through soap-bubbles blown by a children’s entertainer. Small children chased these sprites across the square, while a saxophonist playing pop excited epidemic chorea among slightly older tourists, with groups of up to 50 dancing along despite the heat. It seemed appropriately Saturnalian in a city celebrated for exuberant Carnaval.

The Cathedral crypt contains the remains of Manuel de Falla, born in Cádiz in 1876, composer of Nights in the Gardens of Spain and most famously, El Amor Brujo – notes from which sound out upon the hour from the clock of the town hall. His cantata La Atlántida is inspired by the view of the Atlantic from Cadíz, and the tenth of Hercules’ Twelve Labours, the task of capturing the cattle of the three-bodied monster Geryon, whose island of ‘Erythia’ is identified with this area.  

As well as evocative, the city is elegant and prosperous, chic with 19th century promenades and smart restaurants, and famously liberal in its politics. In 1812, the Cortes of Cádiz was set up as the first Spanish parliament which aimed to represent all classes, and all parts of Spain and its dependencies. It ratified the Constitution of Cádiz, Spain’s first constitution (and one of the world’s first written constitutions) – which established the country as a constitutional monarchy under Joseph Bonaparte, theoretically with almost universal male suffrage and a free press. It was suppressed just two years later, after the French had been expelled and Fernando VII restored – at the urgent demand of the populace. That Constitution is now, arguably ironically, seen as something of a democratic landmark.

In 1832, the American writer Washington Irving published his fourth book on aspects of Spanish history, Tales from the Alhambra. The bestselling author of The Legend of Sleepy Hollow and Rip van Winkle had been much influenced by Walter Scott, and it shows in all his Spanish works, which range from highly romanticised histories to straightforward historical fiction. He sparked a huge interest in what had long been an overlooked era, in a poor part of a declining country. He was besotted with Spain, which he had first visited in 1826 while attached to the American Embassy, and saw the Alhambra as the country’s mystical heart. Granada in particular captured his imagination, and he had already published The Conquest of Granada (1829), which fictionalised the centuries-long struggle which ended in 1491, with the capitulation of Boabdil the Unlucky. As he wrote in Tales, “To the traveller imbued with a feeling for the historical and poetical, the Alhambra of Granada is as much an object of veneration as is the Kaaba or sacred house of Mecca to all true Moslem pilgrims.”

He spent several months in the dilapidated and war-damaged old fortress, in a state of exaltation, sleeping fitfully in former palatial apartments and breaking fasts in the celebrated Court of the Lions. His panegyrics encouraged other writers to come, and so ineluctably today’s tourists, who descend on the town by the million each year.

The 2023 edition of Rough Guide to Andalucía waxes Washingtonian in calling the Alhambra “the most exciting, sensual and romantic of all European monuments.” But were Irving to visit now, he would find it stripped of most of its melancholy mystique, erased by sheer numbers of sightseers – including, of course, ourselves! But it is still a highly suggestive silhouette in reddish stone – a place seemingly worth toiling towards although on top of a steep hill, even at noon in August when the sun beats back up at you from the flinty cobbles, and even the trees have been stunned into stupor.

There was a Roman settlement here, which the 711 invaders renamed and reused, but it was always less important than Cordoba. It was not until the 1240s that Granada would become prominent, and over the next 250 years ever more precious to the Moors as their other kingdoms went under one by one. Most of the present complex dates from the middle of the 14th century, when the Emirate was at its apex.

By 1491, Granada was the last Muslim state in Europe, and embroiled in civil war even as Fernando and Isabella’s forces encircled the city. After a ten-month siege, by November all was over, and Boabdil’s vizier handed over the keys to the fortress on 2 January 1492. Boabdil was granted an estate not far away, but the same year left Spain forever, along with many other Muslims, and he died in Morocco in obscure circumstances sometime between 1518 and 1533.

The Christian monarchs treated Boadbil and his retinue chivalrously, but a triumphal reaction was inevitable from the moment their silver cross banner first fluttered from the fortress’s ramparts. They converted the last of Spain’s mosques into churches, and stipulated the expulsion or forced conversion of Spain’s Jews, and then those Muslims who hadn’t left, understandably regarding them as a potential fifth column.

Fernando and Isabella lived and worked in the Alhambra for some time – it was allegedly at the Alhambra that Columbus first broached the idea of sailing west in the hope of finding India – and they are both buried in the city, in the nearby Capilla Real. This is a moving building in its own right, where the monarchs’ unpretentious lead coffins may be glimpsed (but not photographed) through the gate of their vault below their showier effigies above. The sacristy contains central national-religious relics that still radiate romantic force – Fernando’s sword, Isabella’s crown, and even the banners that flew on 2 January 1492.

Back at the Alhambra, Fernando and Isabella’s grandson Charles V built a Renaissance palace (now containing an excellent late medieval art collection) by demolishing one of the palace’s wings. Napoleon’s troops wreaked terrible damage between 1812 and 1814, and planned to destroy the whole complex on their retreat, but a crippled Spanish patriot (and benefactor of all humanity) named José García removed the fuses. What remains after these vicissitudes is as beautiful as it is stately.

Visitors enter through the remains of the 13th century Alcazaba, a fortress built on top of an earlier fortress. There are stupendous views from the Torre de le Vela (Tower of the Bell) down over the Rio Darro, the vast white-brown vega, and the stage-set-like Sierra Nevada, whose peaks in winter can be capped with snow. This is a landscape of the grandest proportions, that might have been designed equally for acts of great chivalry or acts of great cruelty. Many famous Western films were made in central Spain, to transfer the toughly uncompromising psyche of Spain to even more epic vistas.

Granada, from the Alhambra

A garden softens and sweetens the senses, an ordered paradise of creepers, myrtles and roses – leading to the Palacios Nazaríes, a strange confection to find amid such mighty walls. Built quickly, and intended partly as a pleasure house, the suite of splendid rooms is decorated with Islamic calligraphy and motifs, below which successive rulers held court, conducted business, received guests and relaxed. In the case of Yusuf I (1333-54), it was also a place to die, the sultan stabbed to death while he prayed.

The harem is approached through Irving’s favourite Court of the Lions, named for the twelve stylized beasts supporting the fountain, which, an ingratiating inscription insists, are held in check only by their respect for the sultan. The Sala de los Abencerrajes has a ceiling of almost impossible ornateness – a sixteen-sided dome with frothy stalactite tracery and high windows covering a reflecting fountain, the delicately incongruous scene of an atrocious if apocryphal crime, when a sultan is said to have murdered 16 members of the Abencerraj family.

A set of atypically Islamic figurative portraits look down on the Hall of the Kings, followed by the domed hall of the favourite wife, and the quarters of all the others, ending in the Royal Baths, where sultans and sultanas would disport themselves to the strains of blind singers. At the end we reach the geometrical gardens of the Generalife, a high-up demi-paradise for fretful Berbers, a place to watch festive fireworks, stroll away the cares of state or plan a tryst, under the guardianship of great walls and the gaze only of eagles.

We hired a car and headed north from Seville to see family, grateful to swop ring-roads for ever emptier highways. We were heading for Iberia’s parched and less-known heart, and the borderlands of Extremadura. Quiet roads, and even quieter fields – mile after mile after mile of olives, oaks and thorn trees, mile after mile after mile of thirsty terrain stretching to blue and purple distance or unreal mountains, the whole expanse almost without movement, except for rare and vast birds of prey gliding along on baking thermals – griffon vultures, coldly viewing the campo, Roc-reminiscent even in the distance, their very name suggesting fabulous creatures.

Armies have marched and counter-marched this way since always, trudging sandals or boots caked with dust, sweating and swearing in armour or uniform, from the Romans via the Visigoths, Moors, Christians, Wellington’s Britons and Soult’s French, up to Franco’s ‘Army of Africa’ who in 1936, in an early setback for the Republic, took the town of Mérida – our first stop outside Andalusia, and one of the most impressive Roman sites in a country with many such.

Founded in 25 BC, its original name of Augusta Emerita indicates its importance as imperial foundation, and nature as colony for ex-soldiers. It was one end of the Silver Way, the Roman road that ran to the mines of the south, and became capital of the province of Lusitania. Its aqueduct, bridge, triumphal arch and theatre are wonderfully complete, and the columns, walls and other features that are found in unexpected places all over town suggest much remains to be uncovered. A memorable museum preserves monumental sculptures and mosaics – a melange of classical culture, from fauns, funerary steles, huntsmen on the trail of fabulous beasts, satyrs and river deities, to a serpent-encumbered man (possibly Laocoon) and a massive bull’s head still so full of force it might be about to burst from the wall.

Roman river deity, Merida museum
A Roman statue (Laocoon?) in Merida’s museum
The Teatro Romana at Merida

The theatre, which was built around 15 BC and seated 6,000 spectators, is the most striking structure, with its fantastically well-preserved first century AD façade of two tiers of Corinthian columns, with statues of gods. The more downmarket neighbouring amphitheatre was used for gladiatorial contests and held 14,000. Standing in its ring amid the great silence of Spain’s high summer, it is difficult to visualise such violence, to think of those thousands of tense or shouting voyeurs, to think of this sand spattered with gobbets of gore. Yet real men, pumped with adrenalin or in a state of terror, once had to run down these now largely unroofed walkways and blinking out into the sun, amid the bloodthirsty roaring of the town, to kill others who had done them no harm, or transfix bristling but terrified beasts from boars to Barbary lions.

More pacific thirsts could be slaked by waters brought from several miles north, along the city’s second greatest landmark – the 1st– 3rd century Milagros aqueduct. The 2,700-foot-long structure is one of the most intact of all aqueducts, its double deck arched outline proudly emblazoned on tourist ware, and attractive to nesting storks. Nearby is the 60-arched bridge over the Guadiana, at 2,600 feet one of the longest of surviving Roman spans.

Oblivious to architectural distinctions, the Guadiana flows on to the handsome if obscure town of Olivenza, whose chief claim to national fame is as having been a Portuguese possession between 1297 and 1801. In that latter year, French and Spanish troops invaded Portugal to prevent it supporting Britain, and the Spanish commander plucked oranges as trophies to send back to the queen (reputedly his lover), which has resulted in it being called the ‘War of the Oranges.’ The Spanish kept all the territory they took on the east bank of the river, although the Portuguese government’s official position even now is irredentist. The sundered nature of the area is emblematized by the late medieval Ajuda bridge on the road to the Portuguese town of Elvas, destroyed in 1709 during the War of the Spanish Succession, and never rebuilt. When we swam in the Guadiana’s opaquely green waters one evening, we were floating in international legal limbo.

Olivenza museum

Hispanicization programmes pursued by Spanish governments from the Bourbons to the Francoists are now being quietly dropped, with renewed interest in the area’s Portuguese heritage symbolised in bilingual street signs, and Portuguese nationals in the area permitted to vote in Portuguese elections. Olivenza’s best known son is probably Paulo da Gama, older brother of Vasco da Gama, who commanded one of the ships of Vasco’s fleet on the famous 1497 voyage to India, which opened up the sea route from Europe to the East by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Deep roots and spreading branches are to be found even in Olivenza, and could be symbolized by the unique Jesse Tree carving in the town’s chief church – at 45 feet tall probably the world’s largest, and filled with rich fruits.

The vega from Caceres

Cáceres has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1986, and its intact medieval Ciudad Monumental attracts film-makers, most recently those responsible for Game of Thrones. But medieval artefacts seem almost modern when compared with the prehistoric hand-prints in the close-by Cave of Maltravieso, at more than 67,000 years old the oldest known anywhere. Crude Celtiberian figures in the city museum speak of stories told and forgotten before the Romans were heard of – who got here as ‘late’ as 25 BC.

Pigeons and crows rise with a sudden flapping and fly in flocks across the otherwise deserted Plaza Mayor, their shadows accompanying them companionably across the cobbles, clearly outlined by the hardness of the light. The Cáceran cityscape suggests massy strength, with its parapeted towers and turrets of convents and grand houses, red-brick or limestone or white stucco, red-roofed and almost completely lacking vegetation. Rare windows look onto worn stone steps and burning back-alleys where every tall wall or gateway or church pavement may carry vaunting coats-of-arms of caballeros once militant in faith and family pride. Bears, castles, crosses, eagles, putti, swords and suns are everywhere in evidence – armorial cliches, but still suggesting strength as well as melancholy.

Carvings seen in Cácere’s churches are sometimes stranger, from the archway graffiti of centuries ago choristers (as artless as the hands of Maltravieso), to a rampant lion with an inconveniently erect penis, beset by snarling disembodied dogs’ heads. In one hushed interior is a startlingly sable Jesus close to a preternaturally pale one of alabaster, whose fine blue cracks could almost be the ‘blue blood’ once so prized by hidalgos.  

Hidalgos were often also conquistadores, like Vasco Núñez de Balboa. His statue is one of the first things you see on entering his birthplace of Jerez de los Caballeros – although the caballeros in this case were the Templars, whose town this was. The Jerez of today is deathly still even by Spanish summer standards, at the junction of unimportant roads in a landscape as bereft of people as it is full of toponymic significance, with place-names referencing the nearby frontier with Portugal, as well as spiritual frontiers, on the boundaries of reality and reason – Eremita de Nuestra Senora de los Santos, Convento de Rocamador, Salvatierra de los Barros, Valle de Santa Ana, and the ominously evocative Valle de Matamoros  (‘Valley of the Moor-Slayer’).     

Balboa came from the lower nobility, a class often fiercely proud of their descent, but rarely rich. In 1500, he joined in an exploratory voyage to present-day Colombia. He tried farming in Hispaniola but failed, escaping creditors by stowing away back to Colombia, and then moving to Darién in present-day Panama. Here with a few others, he founded Santa Maria de le Antigua, the first permanent European settlement in all the Americas, and began to grow rich by barter or war with the local tribes. By 1511, he was Darién’s governor and captain general. He organized expeditions into the interior in search of gold and slaves, often using brutal methods, such as torture or using dogs to tear enemies to pieces. 

Hearing folk-tales of a fabulously wealthy kingdom somewhere to the south, governed by an emperor who was initiated in gold (“El Hombre Dorado”), Balboa requested reinforcements, but although these were forthcoming, enemies at court ensured he was not given command. He started out without them, and in September 1513, standing with “wild surmise / silent, upon a peak in Darién,” (as Keats described the moment famously, although giving the credit erroneously to Cortés) was the first European to see the Pacific, which he promptly claimed for Spain. He was restored to royal favour, and named governor of this exciting new sea, and of Panama.

But rivals continued to intrigue against him, even as he persisted in his exploratory endeavours – in 1517/8, masterminding the transportation of a fleet of ships overland across the isthmus in pieces, to explore the Gulf of San Miguel (1517–18). In 1518, he was summoned home to Spain, whereupon he was indicted on trumped-up charges of rebellion and treason, and executed in January 1519.

Not content with birthing one restless spirit, this little town also gave rise to Hernando de Soto, the first European to penetrate deep into the territory of the modern United States, and the first to encounter the Mississippi River.

De Soto’s father wanted him to be a lawyer, but when Hernando was still a teenager he informed his father he wanted to be an explorer instead, and left for the New World in 1514. He prospered in Panama through daring and slaving, and came to control the area we now know as Nicaragua. Tiring of 16th century respectability, harum-scarum Hernando loaned Pizzaro two ships and sailed with him to Peru as his captain of horse. He was instrumental in the Incas’ downfall, but thereafter fell out with the less gentlemanly Pizarro, and returned to Spain.

Jerez must have seemed terribly limiting after such expansive experiences, although he dutifully endowed a chapel in the town’s church. Unsurprisingly soon he was back across the Atlantic, as governor of Cuba, with added extravagant royal remits – to conquer what we now call Florida, and explore modern Ecuador, plus special rights to whatever riches he could find along the Amazon. Seen from today’s perspective, it all seems like a fever dream, which makes it rather appropriate that de Soto should have died from that cause in 1543, in the hut of an Indian chief, about as far from parched Extremadura as it was possible to get in the 16th century. Many today would probably argue both men should have stayed in Jerez.

Cordoba rose to eminence in the second century BC, as the Romans’ Corduba, the capital of Hispania Ulterior. It supported Pompey, and was accordingly destroyed by Caesar, but rebuilt itself to become capital of the new province of Hispania Baetica. Lucan was born here in the first century AD, nephew of his fellow Corduban, Seneca the Younger. After the Moors conquered the area, Cordoba became a cultural and political powerhouse, one of the three chief cities in the Muslim world (after Baghdad and Cairo). In the 12th century, it was the birthplace of both the Muslim polymath (and pioneering interpreter of Aristotle) Averroës, and the Jewish philosopher Maimónides, although the latter had to leave Spain after refusing to convert to Islam (he later became Saladin’s astronomer).

The Mezquita, Corduba’s world-renowned mosque, which is now the city’s cathedral, was begun (and finished!) in 785. The ingenious architect economically re-used columns from the former Visigothic cathedral, and close examination of capitals reveals some ‘un-Islamic’ figurative carvings, including a demon, a monk and a bare-breasted woman. The Mezquita was originally open along one side, but that side was bricked up after conversion to cathedral, leaving a rather crepuscular interior.

A forest of columns, in a variety of handsome stones, stretches away in all directions, all made uniform in height and given aesthetic unity by alternating light stone and red brick in tiger-striped arches. Even crowded with tourists, the effect is very impressive, its stripped-down simplicity clearly designed to induce a state of raptness.

In the gardens of the old Alcazar, there is a statue showing Columbus meeting Fernando and Isabella here in 1486, and other kingly or classical sculptures define lines of sight, or stand at the tops of steps. Clipped cypresses give shade for shrill cicadas, and carp cluster in the warm baths of rectangular pools.  Some of the prisoners of the Inquisition, which used the Alcazar buildings between the 16th and 19th centuries, could probably get tantalizing glimpses of the gleaming garden, although by the 19th century the whole town had become shabbily poor. Those sad buildings remained in use as a prison into the 1950s, but now shelter instead tremendous Roman mosaics, evidence of Augustan glory days.  

Battling through thick undergrowth along the banks of the Guadalquivir, I looked out for snakes, but happily only disturbed ducks, egrets, and a frog, which hopped disgustedly away as I approached – a pleasingly amphibian touch for so dry a land. Another amphibian landmark then loomed into view – the reconstructed and seized-up Albolafia waterwheel, the last of many to whirl in these waters, grinding grain and pumping water for the Alcazar. Ungrateful Isabella found it too noisy, and demanded it be disabled during her stays – a circumstance demanding Tarot metaphors about Wheels of Fortune and a Queen of Swords.

I stepped outside Spain, to be greeted with a breezy “Good morning, sir!” by a burly West Midlander policeman. This is another of Spain’s disputed borders – the airport runway that both bridges and divides Spain from Gibraltar. Hundreds of tourists were streaming over from the Spanish side to sample the anomalous state of the Rock, so geographically Spanish, so culturally caught in a hard place.

This has often been a controversial frontier, as befits so unignorable and strategic a promontory – for ancient heroes, one of the limits of the known world, and even for moderns, a key to the Mediterranean. Even before the ancients, there were heavy-browed hominids here, who left their skulls for us to find – in 1848, the first adult Neanderthal skull ever discovered. Joint ancestors of ours still reside here – the several hundred Barbary macaques on the upper reaches of the Rock, which grab food and gurn and publicly clean their private parts to delight and disconcert visitors.

The duty-free shops for which Gibraltar is renowned seem like excrescences when seen against the massive ruggedness of the Rock, its notorious egg-and-chips and British newspapers more than usually unpalatable. But such are inevitable accompaniments to long British expatriate presence since its capture in 1704 – flavours of home for old-time sailors and soldiers and modern financial consultants alike.

Other British traces are pleasingly Ruritanian – a neat little courthouse, the Governor’s mansion, a modest cathedral, seat of the delightfully named Bishop in Europe, and Union flags everywhere. But there is seriousness here too, the colony a source of invisible earnings through taxation and e-gaming, a centre for ship repair and real wargaming and, not least, a psychological salve for British bad feelings about a century of ineluctable decline.

Monument in Trafalgar Cemetery

The mariners in the Trafalgar Cemetery would have scarcely understood this busy pleasure-seeking Gibraltar, which in their day must often have felt Godforsaken, a limit to their known world. They nevertheless defended it resolutely, right from the start when the Spaniards tried to take it back; on one occasion in late 1704, the whole defence rested on just 19 marines and one officer in one redoubt, who somehow held on as their numbers were whittled down to six. Generations of British army engineers since have used their service-time shrewdly to mine the monolith with batteries, emplacements, roads, stores, tunnels and walls to deter potential retakers.

Naval frigates still call here, but now most shipping is pacific – cruise liners and yachts, and far more importantly, cargo vessels beating up or down the Inner Sea for Suez or Atlantic. Africa beckons beyond those storied Straits, almost within swimming distance, a blue coast once of legendary danger, but now just bad conscience for well-fed Westerners eating ice-creams at Europa Point.

Africa, from Gibraltar

The close-at-hand Catholic Shrine of Our Lady of Europe is in a fairly modern building, earlier incarnations having been sacked more than once. But it contains a fortunate 15th century wooden icon, a Virgin and Child so venerated the Shrine would be saluted by ships – except those of the English in 1704, who looted all the silverware and threw the decapitated icon into the sea. The pieces were fortunately found by a fisherman, who gave them to a priest. The statue was kept across the bay at Algeciras until 1864, when it was returned to the Rock, although unrestored until 1997. In 2009, Benedict XVI gave the much-tried Shrine a much-coveted (and surely deserved) Golden Rose.  

We came back to Seville with the days ticking down, and too much still unseen, or unseeable. But there was time, just, for some secular shrines – shrines like the Palacio Lebrija. The countess who bought the 16th century house in 1900 was an inveterate collector, lucky enough to live before laws were brought in to protect historic sites. Perhaps the collected items were also ‘lucky,’ because they could have been scattered or destroyed by less appreciative discoverers.

Countess Lebrija lavished prodigious pesetas on antiquarian and artistic loves, making her house a salon for the most cultivated sevillanos, floored with mosaics from Itálica, remaking rooms to fit their floors rather than the other way around. She ransacked her own ancestral home too, removing hundreds of 18th century tiles from her country place, to give her sophisticated town interiors charmingly naïve rustic verticals. There are affectionate caricatures of countryfolk in the fashions of 250 years ago, got down with rapid strokes by journeymen painters – farms slumber on vanished afternoons, hunters pursue the hart, and hounds harry hares – glimpses of a Spain disappearing even in 1900.

The Palacio de las Dueñas is the Seville home of the Dukes of Alba, one of Spain’s oldest grandee families, prominent since the 12th century. The Dukes of Alba are descended from James II of England, and the family name Stuart recurs in their history. Behind the bougainvillea which blankets the façade are peaceful patios leading off state rooms holding an art collection dominated by 16th and 17th century Italian painters. There is also a later, uglier collection of bull-fighting ephemera, ranging from naive 19th century oils to lurid 20th century posters and the stuffed heads of rare bulls that wreaked revenge on their tormentors.

Antonio Machado was born at the Palace in 1875, son of the Palace caretaker. Antonio would become a Modernist poet, friendly with Verlaine and Wilde, earning a reputation for evocations of lost places and overgrown gardens. On a plaque on the Palace front is an extract from one of his poems: “This light of Seville … is the palace / where I was born with his rumour of fountain. / My childhood are memories of a patio /and a bright potager where the lemon tree ripens.” The lemons are luckily still there – and even more flavoursome, the chapel where Amerigo Vespucci may have married.

On our last evening, we found ourselves by ‘chance’ eating outside the oldest tavern in Spain, Las Escobas (The Brooms), close to the Cathedral – so named in allusion to a local broom-maker whose manufactures were bought by a whimsical former landlord to be stuck on the tavern ceiling.

A more famous habitue is said to have been Cervantes, who came to Seville in 1587 in search of work, and would stay there until around 1600. He applied several times to go to the New World, but was turned down, rather unsurprisingly, as his left arm had been rendered useless at the Battle of Lepanto. He had also spent almost five years as a slave, so could hardly be described as an optimal employee.

He found less exciting employment in Seville as a government agent, collecting produce for the ill-fated Armada. He was equally ill-fated, or maybe worse, in a later job collecting taxes, and spent some time in the prison at Seville. Don Quixote was almost certainly written elsewhere, but Cervantes’ experience of Seville’s seamier side did inspire his ‘Exemplary Novels. Rinconete and Cortadillo tells of Seville’s thieving fraternity, and Dialogue of the Dogs of the city’s slaughterhouses.

We sank a sangria to Spain’s greatest writer, and this captivating and connected city – and watched our bags and wallets, and regaled ourselves on meats, as the clangour of Cathedral bells echoed down the streets.

All photos by the author

The Lay of Mélusine

CHURL SULLIVAN is a writer from St. Louis, Missouri, who conspires with his feline familiar, Purrmes Trismegistus, to pen poems in the lean-light hours. His work has previously appeared in Sparks of Calliope, and he can be found @Churl_Sullivan or napping in his pithos. 

The Lay of Mélusine

At ease upon a summer’s eve I went

Into the woods to stalk the stag and boar,

Wherein I nocked a dart, and careless sent

Not game, but kindred to that other shore—

My uncle rapping on the devil’s door!

Ashamed I fled into the blotting night,

When Mélusine I saw in silver light.


A crown of wormwood on her raven hair,

A cloak of moonlight and a downy dress:

Would God conceive a creature half as fair,

His whole dominion should be doubly blest,

And war and peace be made but for her tress.

She smiling came up from the river bank,

And in my breast my courage broke its rank.


Said she, “What puts you, Raymondin, to flight?

What brings you breathless to my crystal font?”

And I, “In shame I fled into the night;

My every step a guilty conscience haunts!”

Then merciful she smiled as confidant.

“There is no malice in your heart,” said she,

“A purity of soul in you I see.”


There succored in the softly morningtide,

Upon a bed of leaves wherefore to rest,

She took me in her arms as though my bride,

And woebeset I wept into her breast

Until the tawny sun was in the west.

“Come, Raymondin, and rise,” she whispered low,

“We find our future in that western glow.”


With Mélusine I went into the march,

Atop a tor between two valleys wide,

And there before a ruined Roman arch,

I swore a vow and took her for my bride

At height of noon upon the summer Ides.

Said Mélusine, “This vow the more I pray:

You will not seek me on the Sabbath day.”


Of gratitude and love I promised thus,

Then Mélusine with faerie spell anon

Of sound and stone a castle for us trussed—

And this we called Château de Lusignan,

Our little kingdom on the River Vonne.

Nor did I seek her on the Sabbath day,

Though much I wondered why she hid away.


My darling Mélusine our children bore,

And though the half were sick and palate cleft,

These tender ten were each himself adored:

Not one was of his father’s love bereft,

Nor from his mother’s nursing bosom left.

But ever did our eldest, comely Guy,

Geoffroi the second stoke to jealousy.


Oh, how our little kingdom quickly bloomed!

For every son a castle in his name!

And daily in our towered chamber room

My Mélusine would wait until I came

From back the woods I hunted plenty game.

Geoffroi and Guy with me the verdure roamed,

Returning not until the creep of gloam.


My heart was full and e’er my hearth was filled

With kin and friends and guests from far and wide.

One final jewel my richly halls to gild:

My parents come to join me there inside—

I summoned them from Poitiers countryside.

On Sabbath they arrived into my hall,

And Mother asked when Mélusine would call.


Said I, “On Sabbath Mélusine aways

Unto an arbor on the river’s edge.

There cloistered with the forest fae she prays,

Nor do I think to undermine my pledge:

Ne’er I trespass her rose-adornèd hedge.”

And Mother, “What pray tell does rose ensign?

Does not a lover Mélusine enshrine?”


“My Mélusine our love would not betray,

Our children and our kingdom not forswear!

As sure as on our marriage shone its rays,

The ardent sun of romance gleams as ere!

No other heavenly body can compare.”

These things I said convicted of a fire,

But Mélusine I doubted for a liar.


To sleep I took for quiet and repose,

But sneaked a doubting too into my dreams

As when I woke, I asked “But why a rose?

Does Fate against my budding kingdom scheme?

Has Mélusine a lover by the stream?”

So on the Sabbath night I stole away,

And entered in the arbor where she prayed.


But as the welkin of the darkened moon

So was the arbor lorn of silver light:

There in the empty night I heard a tune,

Of which I followed not by dint of sight,

Until I saw—perceived and was affright!

For Mélusine was in the river bare,

Bescaled like a dragon in its lair!


“What are you, wife?” I cried in my despair,

And rushing down onto the riverside,

Took up my sword to fell the hellish mære,

For this was not the Mélusine my bride!

But she did not her serpent lower hide.

Said she, “In light of truth you see me now,

But love was furnished of a secret vow.”


For want of sense I fell upon the strand,

And to the water threw my father’s sword;

There I repented with an open hand,

And weeping pled, “forsake not our accord,

For still I love you as I do the Lord!”

Then merciful she smiled and said, “My dear,

This which is worth delight is worth a tear.”


To secrecy and faithfulness I swore,

That I would not her serpent half reveal;

And though that night her scales yet she wore,

With congress still our loving pact we sealed—

And God may find me doubting his ideal.

Wherein the morning light she was anew:

Fair Mélusine, my only love and true.


The Lord above forgives us of our sins,

Yet we beneath do not enjoy relief;

My Christian soul be damned for slaying kin,

In Fate and fae I put my firm belief—

‘Twas Mélusine, not Christ, who took my grief!

Of wormwood and of briar is her grace,

And on my night of peril shone her face.


Into my twilight days I sooner scried,

For every father must his line ensure:

With Guy into the woods I went astride,

And on the hunt I made him heir de jure,

His heritance and lordship to assure.

Returning to the hall we made a feast,

And every goblet rang without surcease.


Geoffroi across the banquet table kept,

Nor would he for his brother raise a toast;

Afar I watched as Mother on him crept

As would a Norman on the northern coast:

“The spoils unto victors daring most.”

Then from Geoffroi there came a roaring sound—

He leaping threw his gauntlet to the ground!


“Your favor is no more deserved than mine!

But you are fair and pleasing to the eye.

Let Fate our family heritance assign:

Not beauty but a battle-wit apply—

To duel then, Guy, that one of us should die!”

With arms Geoffroi departed from the hall,

And followed Guy, a rider for the fall.


Before the hall, atop the rocky tor,

Geoffroi and Guy with swords resolved to duel.

My Mélusine a-weeping cried, “O War!

Wreak not on them your venging wreckage cruel!

Must every man with you rejoin to rule?”

But neither son with crying could be swayed,

And next they came to blows and bloody blades.


Of palate cleft and fangèd upper tooth,

Geoffroi was visaged by the gods of war:

He struck with neither pity nor with ruth,

And through his brother’s hauberk eager tore,

Exulting in the clangor and the gore.

When Guy disabled fell before the maw,

I intervened to spare him coup de grâce.


“By rite of battle you secure your claim,

But tarnish not your soul with fratricide!”

Geoffroi replied, “But he is hardly maimed!

He will recover and his time will bide,

Until he bring a challenge for his pride.”

I stepped between the wounded and the willed:

He struck me, then Geoffroi his brother killed.


I held my eldest murdered in my arms,

And woebeset I wept for both my sons.

“What deviled him to cause his brother harm?

What cursèd ichor in our bloodline runs?

That I should wed the fae: what have I done?”

In view of all who stood before the hall,

I cried, “It is the Drake who God appals!”


How Mélusine upon me looked with grief:

She saw that I was senseless in distress—

That I was in the tempest as a leaf!

But I, before our kindred and our guests,

Had broken that which we had once redressed.

Said she, “I leave you with this parting word:

May love as we were bound your spirit gird.”


My Mélusine bestowed me future love:

She gave to me a pair of magic rings;

Then she with tearful eyes looked thereabove,

And to the heavens flew on scaled wings!

Nor did I know the meaning of these things.

All there before the hall in terror fled,

As on the wind a dragon westward sped.


Alone I clung to Guy and wept me dry,

When Mother from the banquet hall emerged.

Said she, “It serves me well to hear you cry:

I for my brother only heard a dirge—

Now you upon your family too are scourge.”

Upon the rocky tor I bursted, “Fate!

From you there is no hiding or escape!”

The spectre of Spengler

Oswald Spengler. Woodcut by Bertrand Zadig

To paraphrase a famous Tory lexicographer, a death-sentence concentrates the mind wonderfully. People are born, flourish, weaken, and pass away, but so do nations and empires. Although the comparison is metaphorical, the phenomenon is real.

Surely the gradual crumbling of Great Britain from Lord Salisbury’s imperial zenith to Ed Miliband’s imbecile zero is undeniable. It fits into a general Euro-American deterioration, exacerbated by welfare-dependence, industrial unrest and defence-alliance disarray. Consequently, a revival of interest has occurred over questions of historical change, and in its successive commentators, from Plato and Polybius, through Ibn Khaldun and Giambattista Vico, to Paul Kennedy and Paul Cooper.

Overshadowing them all is Oswald Spengler, who died 89 years ago this May. His huge work on “Western decline” drew admirers. Nirad Chaudhuri called it “one of the greatest books of our time.” Henry Kissinger saw it as an “attempt at the resolution of the problems of existence,” while Fernand Braudel praised “its tone, the breadth of its views, its passion for understanding.” Christopher Dawson wrote that “Spengler wishes to make the present generation conscious of the crisis through which it is passing and of the true task that lies before it.”

However, the well-known historian Niall Ferguson, under the impression that Spengler had been influenced by Wagner (it was actually Goethe), once asserted that his “turgid” prose was nowadays seldom read [1]. But his giant Geist has rematerialized – to haunt the current geostrategic gloom of international trade turmoil and knife-edge security risks.

Many references to Spengler have lately appeared in print journalism, scholarly monographs, timely podcasts and specialist websites, from Professor David Engels [2] to Professor Stephen R. L. Clark [3].  His early historical studies and family photos have been publicised. The glib dismissal of his magisterial oeuvre as a ‘gargantuan horror-scope’ ceases to amuse in the world he so accurately predicted.

Recent books include the richly researched, indispensable Oswald Spengler & the Politics of Decline, by the Marxist scholar Dr Ben Lewis, on his principled “Prussian” activism and mutual incompatibility with Hitler, who (I discovered) specifically denounced him in a public address on May Day 1935. The Decline & Fall of Civilisations is a considerable survey from the prolific and idiosyncratic writer Dr Kerry Bolton, who endorses Spengler’s suggestion of the next major Culture emerging from the Russian landscape. Especially important is his place among Dr Neema Parvini’s constructively analytical Prophets of Doom, alongsideGobineau, Carlyle, Brooks Adams, Glubb Pasha, Evola, Sorokin, Toynbee, Turchin and Tainter. Ulrik Rasmussen’s relevant Fall of Western Civilization: The Cycle of Supremacy also deserves close attention.

Spengler began life near the Harz mountains and his heart finally failed in Munich when only fifty-five. His masterwork on the downslide of Occidental civilisation was conceived before and partly written during the first world war. Its so-called “cyclic” theme, preceded by the Slavophile Nikolai Danilevsky’s Russia & Europe, and echoed, less substantially, by the Anglo-Saxons Flinders Petrie [4] and Correa Moylan Walsh [5], made a dramatic impact and engendered serious debate in his defeated Fatherland.

The sinking-sun imagery powerfully evoked by its “Teutonic Title” was attenuated as Decline of the West in an excellent translation for English-speakers, whose more subdued response, admirably documented by John Carter Wood [6], in some cases recalls a notorious lordly dismissal of Gibbon’s narrative about the fall of Rome as just another scribbled tome. A contemporary classicist, E. H. Goddard, nonetheless ably supported its fundamental cross-cultural alignments with corresponding pull-out civilisation timetables [7].

I first encountered this book in the library of my then 430-year-old former grammar-school in Walthamstow. Its thick black spine made a welcome contrast to its Left Book Club amber-cover shelf-companions; and its fascinating contents likewise. My adolescent appetite was promptly reinforced by seemingly corroborative material in Geoffrey Barraclough’s History in a Changing World, Eric Bentley’s Cult of the Superman, Amaury de Riencourt’s Coming Caesars and Gustave Le Bon’s The Crowd.

By an odd coincidence, the late Roger Scruton made a similar youthful discovery, but disappointment with Spengler’s “unscholarly inaccuracy” diminished this conservative intellectual’s approval of his “grim” prognosis. Given the arduous circumstances of its original composition, and the information then available for revision, however, occasional errors are forgivable; several disputed aspects have also since found defenders.

After initially greeting his magnum opus, the anti-Nazi novelist Thomas Mann afterwards recoiled as if handed a demonic grimoire. The Nazi ideologist Alfred Rosenberg complained that its “morphological view” of destiny denied “race and personality.” Irving Babbitt described the singularly erudite and earnest polymath as a “charlatan of genius.”  Martin Heidegger and Wyndham Lewis attacked him much more thoughtfully, along with established historians. Aurel Kolnai ridiculed his “harsh Olympic coldness,” whereas Theodor Adorno granted the “destructive soothsayer” a nuanced appreciation.

Nevertheless, the book impressed poets like W. B. Yeats, David Jones and Robinson Jeffers, authors as different as D. H. Lawrence, Whittaker Chambers, Colin Wilson and Camille Paglia, the mythologist Joseph Campbell, the systems-theorist Ludwig von Bertalanffy, and surprisingly Ludwig Wittgenstein. And it left me personally with a lifelong interest in “philosophies of history.”

Spengler wrote with the eye of an artist and the pen of a poet, producing beautiful passages of keen sensibility, exemplified by his account of infant Christianity:

Tame and empty all the legends and holy adventures of Mithras, Attis and Osiris must have seemed [compared] to the still recent story of Jesus [whose utterances resembled] those of a child in the midst of an alien, aged, and sick world…. Like a quiet island of bliss was the life of these fishermen and craftsmen by the Lake of Gennesaret, while all around them glittered the Hellenistic towns with their theatres and temples, their refined western society, their Roman cohorts, their Greek philosophy…. The one religion in the history of the world in which the fate of a man of the immediate present has become the emblem and the central point of the whole creation.

This delicate passage appears within a mammoth text, whose martial attitude elsewhere was ironically condemned by communists [8] as brutal advocacy for the Junker aristocrats they sought to eradicate in the “violent overthrow” of existing society and “bloody struggle or extinction,” as Karl Marx expressed it. Even during Spengler’s short literary lifetime, millions perished in the USSR.

He depicted the West as one of eight self-contained Hochkulturen, in addition to the Babylonian, Egyptian, Mesoamerican, Indian, Chinese, Magian, and Classical. Each possesses a distinctive ethos characterised by its cosmology, symbolism and architecture, yet all pass through comparable stages, like the inevitable transition from spring to winter, though without recurrence. We need not discuss pertinent definitions of “civilisation”, as previously covered by Samuel Huntington, Pitirim Sorokin and Naohiko Tonomura, except that Arnold Toynbee responded to the challenge with over 20 “mortal” examples, historians Philip Bagby and Caroll Quigley choosing fewer, and Nicholas Hagger listing 25.

Setting aside Spengler’s own metaphysical “collective-soul determinism”, complex macro-societies often proceed through almost parallel patterns, such as solely waning average intelligence [9]. The empirical examination of the multiple causes of their growth, decay and collapse is a legitimate and rewarding pursuit.

Felipe Fernandez-Armesto’s “environmental features,” Claire & Bill Russell’s “population cycles,” Jim Penman’s “behaviour biodynamics,” David Hackett Fischer’s “price revolutions” and Heiner Rindermann’s “cognitive capital” are among numerous contributions towards a fresh and fruitful development in objective social science, aided by comprehensive data-led websites like Peter Turchin’s valuable Cliodynamica and Seshat.

Several terminal phases have been linked to urban sprawl and congestion, and failing competence and character among the rulers of a largely hedonistic populace. Cluttered with material and mental sewage, the “megalopolis” becomes vulnerable to farmland depletion, infections and addictions, depravity and disability, sectarian discord and organised crime, plus susceptibility to invasion. In 1927 the pacifist Aldous Huxley voiced the fear that industrialisation of numerically greater races could put us at their military mercy. By 1951 Shephard Clough’s economic analysis of the rise and descent of civilisations expected envious outsiders eventually to attack Europe.

The validity of Spengler’s century-old foresight is easily overlooked precisely because of its present familiarity. The literary critic Northrop Frye described at length, fifty years ago, how the “detail of Spengler’s vision is all around us… What [he] said would happen is happening, to a very considerable degree” [10]. Does not parliamentary democracy, for instance, operate by deception, bribery and “shameless flattery,” so that “election affairs” become “games staged as popular self-determination” to suit obscured wealthy interests? “People want to think only what they are supposed to think, and this they consider freedom.” Ideological convictions are dissolving into disposable fashions, except for an emergent “second religiousness,” possibly indicated by Gen Z revival of Bible study, and potentially focused on the Holy City of Jerusalem.

Entering the epoch of less heavenly inner-cities and global skyscraper competition, we find, exactly as he said, “primitive instincts” let loose in sexual relations, the “reappearance of the panem et circenses in the form of wage-disputes and football-grounds,” “incomprehension of tradition,” the “extinction of great art” and of “courtesy,” “betting and competitions” for excitement,“ alcohol and vegetarianism” as prominent issues, and crucially the “childlessness and ‘race suicide’ of the rootless strata, a phenomenon not peculiar to ourselves but already observed – and of course not remedied – in Imperial Rome and Imperial China.”

The 1939-45 titanic “war of contending states”, which bypassed Spengler’s ignored warning to Germanic nationalists against “biological antisemitism” and a “Napoleonic adventure in Russia,” shifted the “imperium” from Berlin to Washington, thereby fatally disarranging his anticipated sequence for conclusive contests between “blood” and “money.”  Caesarism today is manifested not in fascist legions, but in the formlessness of American politics, despite ambiguity over machine-technics, financial-flux and armed-force deployment; Musk rather than Mussolini.

His phrase “the world as spoil” neatly applies to impending rare-earth search and supply-lane safety from the Arctic to the Black Sea, and beyond. The invention of “weapons yet unforeseen” has alarmingly accelerated, with continental territories “staked – India, China, Russia, Islam called out, new technics and tactics played and counter-played.” We can match his futurology against reflections by present-day writers like Thomas Frey, Bruno Macaes and Ian Morris, regarding particularly the tumultuous interactions of Putin, Trump, Xi and “great cosmopolitan foci of power.”

Shortly before his death, Spengler further envisaged a devastatingly concurrent underclass and colour conflict. It would make no difference, he explained, if Bolshevism “ceased to dictate”, for “the work goes forward of itself.” Did not this danger arrive, a mere three decades later, from the US New Left “race, gender, class revolution,” subsequently exported as “critical theory” for a “long march” or (more accurately) incremental infiltration, through Western institutions, targeting “white privilege,” “white patriarchy” and “embedded whiteness,” and culminating, for example, in both DEI regulations and BLM rioting?

Perhaps Paris 1968, Brixton 1981, Madrid 2004 and Munich 2025 are pointers. The Network Contagion Research Institute reports a surge in approval of political violence, mainly among left-wing networkers. Effective protection against foreign-community intrusions remains morally paralysed as uncharitable “racism,” despite unabated mass-exodus of the multi-million ‘wretched of the earth,’ aided by profiteering traffickers, in a “nomad century.”

Number-philosopher Philip J. Davis thought his fellow-mathematician from the Kaiserreich classrooms was correct to discern the advent of “theories of everything” in science, and possibly, in the outcome of mass-media and telecommunications, the control “like that of Faust” of human minds by a self-operating computer-system “wrapping the earth with an endless web of delicate forces, currents and tensions.”

Spengler’s refutation of universally inevitable linear “progress” has anyhow been largely vindicated, in my judgement, by the evils of vacuous postmodernism, compulsory multiculturalism and suicidal wokeism [11]. Was he too imaginatively attached, however, to ancient and classical models to follow through his unique insight into the heroic exploration, energetic curiosity and infinite endeavour that typify our exceptional “Faustian” ethos? Maybe our railways will lie ultimately forgotten “as dead as the Roman wall” and monuments “ruined like Memphis,” but the last prolonged turn of the western wheel must entail extensive fulfilment as well as senescent exhaustion.

“Only the future,” observed another academic admirer, Professor John Farrenkopf,

…and not Spengler’s innumerable detractors, is in a position to authoritatively answer the question if mankind is nearing in apocalyptic fashion, whether through nuclear Armageddon, the synergistic interaction of international economic collapse and the explosive North-South conflict, or the intensification of the global ecological crisis, the much-discussed end of history. [12]

Nevertheless, could Western science, which has split the atom and spliced the gene, reached the outer planets and penetrated the brain itself, under sagacious guidance, yet modify our caducity with robotics, ecological management and biological enhancement? “Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will, to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield,” we should at least respect the venerable advice of der Weissager to face up to facts, with fortitude and fidelity to our noblest values.

NOTES

[1] War of the World (2007), p.645; cf. Doom (2022); The Great Degeneration (2014); Civilization (2012)

[2] Oswald Spengler: Introduction au ‘Declin de l’Occident (2024); Spengler: Pensando en el Futuro (2022),&c. The author presides over The Oswald Spengler Society

[3] “New Histories of the World: Spenglerian Optimism,” Philosophical Journal of Conflict & Violence (2022) online

[4] The Revolutions of Civilisation (1911)

[5] The Climax of Civilisation (1917)

[6] “’German foolishness’….Spengler & the Inter-war British Press,” www.academia.edu/3315175, online

[7] Civilisation or Civilisations [with P. A. Gibbons & F. C. S. Schiller] (1926)

[8] E.g. Nikolai Bukharin (1934); cf. Melvin Rader, No Compromise (1939)

[9] Elmer Pendell, Why Civilizations Self-Destruct (1977); Cf. Edward Dutton & Michael Woodley, At Our Wits’ End (2018); Robert Klark Graham, The Future of Man (1981); Raymond Cattell, A New Morality from Science (1972), pp.146-147; Donald Kagan (ed) Decline & Fall of the Roman Empire (1962)

[10] “Twentieth-Century Classics Revisited,” Daedalus (Winter, 1974), pp.1-13

[11] Cf. David Ashton, “Decline of the Best?” Council of European Canadians, February 12, 2024, online

[12] John Farrenkopf, “Spengler’s ‘Der Mensch und die Technik’,” German Studies Review (October 1991), p.548; Prophet of Decline (2001)

 ADDENDUM

I have long thought and expressed the view that the exceptional “Faustian” character of our Western civilization would enable its successful prolongation. Since completing the above, I came across an interesting National Interest article online which covered some of the same ground, including a similar thought about that future possibility. This was a welcome coincidence, not plagiarism on my part. Here is that article, by Robert W. Merry, an adapted extract from his 2005 book Sands of Empire: Missionary Zeal, American Foreign Policy, and the Hazards of Global AmbitionSpengler’s Ominous Prophecy – The National Interest

Pilgrimage to the peninsula

Image: Stuart Millson

Born in London sixty years ago and although, as far as I know, possessing not a drop of Welsh blood, I now live in the country to the west of the River Severn, popularly known for its chapels, presided over by Kenneth Griffith-like ministers, its famous rugby players and opera-singers born in obscure green valleys (obscure, at least, to the English), its rousing songs, hymns and tunes: Men of Harlech, David of the White Rock, Cwm Rhondda – music and people, you might say, bred of heaven.

Throughout my life, my homes have been in England – in London, suburban, increasingly Greater-Londonish Kent, rural Kent, besieged by the planners; marshy Essex and hilly Gloucestershire – and I developed interests in English music, English pints and pubs, pilgrimages to Canterbury and Romney Marsh churches and bird sanctuaries (all some 300 miles away from Wales). Yet today, living in Cambria, it feels as though a Welsh moss, or ivy has entwined itself around my legs, rooting me to the spot – with late-night fog and early-morning mist blotting out any sight of the tips of the Severn suspension bridge, obscuring the entrance to the Severn Tunnel, and making me forget about my previous haunts, routines, and once-loved favourite places. What caused all this? What brought me here?

Thinking back, long-ago family holidays to Tenby or Aberdovey might have sown the seeds for the Welsh enthusiasm. Or perhaps it was the evocative section on Wales from our family’s 1970s’ AA Illustrated Guide to Britain (“the land of Merlin the Wizard and Dylan the Poet”). Or maybe it was the drive, undertaken with the girlfriend I would later marry, on a spring weekend in 1988 to Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire? The trip, even in those younger days when you are meant to have a surfeit of energy, felt like an act of escape from work and everyday life – the return journey spent, inevitably, on those ‘grass is greener’ thoughts, so common to travellers, deep down, ill at ease with some aspect of life. So maybe that explains it all: the vague, formless urge to escape – with only the ‘Celtic fringe’ of the British Isles, less congested by the knotty, breathless way of life everywhere else, now capable of offering retreat?

Part of the pilgrimage path. Image: Stuart Millson

All of these thoughts and memories – why and how have I landed here? – and isn’t it a miracle – jangled together, as I set off at the very end of February from home in Carmarthenshire to the City of St. David’s (the smallest city in Britain) for the 1st March St David’s Day pilgrimage to the cathedral, in its wide valley hollow, at the tip of a Pembrokeshire peninsula. According to Welsh hagiography, the sixth-century future Patron Saint of Wales, Dewi Sant was born in a thunderstorm by the clifftop – his mother, St. Non, giving birth on an apocalyptic night, where, miraculously, a well appeared, which continues flowing to this day, to bring forth legendarily life-giving, health-giving waters, considered particularly efficacious for sore eyes, or more serious ocular conditions. Several of the pilgrims gathering for this year’s St. David’s Day ceremony did, in fact, dab their eyelids with well-water – just prior to the Bishop of St. David’s, Dorrien Davies, almost re-baptising the throng (including a Catholic delegation from Kent and pilgrims from Ireland) using a bunch of watercress soaked in a full jug drawn from the well.

It was a simultaneously serious and light-hearted ceremony. Watercress was the thin, subsistence food used by St. David and his followers during periods of fasting. Today, as well as proving effective in the dousing of pilgrims, it also plays a part in a nightly ceremony (reinforced with port and Davidstow cheese!) initiated by the Order of St. David and St. Non. For more than a decade now, the Order (founded by the late Simon Evans and now presided over by one, Steve Turner, from Kent – but with, he tells me, a Welsh grandmother to his genetic credit) has participated in the annual ceremony. This year the Order brought to the altar not just its devotees, but an offering for the cathedral – a substantial cheque to help with urgent repair works to the ceiling of the Quire. It was noticeable that the cathedral bells were not chiming on St. David’s Day morning, no doubt a precaution at this time of crumbling roof masonry. Prayers were said for a swift restoration to the problem; and in a purely spoken service, held at 4pm on the eve of St. David’s Day, other more personal prayers – for family, loved ones, peace in our troubled world etc., – written on small sheets of paper, each imprinted with the emblem of St. James’s pilgrimage shell and left on a silver plate, were unfolded and read aloud.

A glow of early springtime sunshine filled the cathedral – wide, broad, crystal-clear light, all of a sudden, no longer the mean, cramped, cold rays of winter. It really did feel, especially with the daffodils in the cathedral grounds as golden as the cross of St. David, as if the seasons had changed before our eyes. And the sea, viewed from the clifftop at St. Non’s well, sparkled in the westering sun, but had all the stillness of well-water. Earlier, en route to the cathedral, not far from Fishguard, a bank of white cloud, far out at sea, resembled the gigantic cliffs of a lost landmass. I imagined the probable reaction of mediaeval pilgrims to such a sight – a miracle on the horizon, people pausing, fingers pointing at a sign of God’s grandeur.

The Bishop and Dean of St David’s, and the Mayor of the city, addressing the pilgrims. Image@ Stuart Millson

The 1st March is a great moment in the life of the small city – a place probably not a great deal larger than my old town of West Malling in Kent – but ennobled and important, far beyond its physical size, by its heritage of Celtic Christianity; by the cathedral cradled in its valley, and overlooked by what appears to be the strange, craggy tip of an extinct volcano. No city should ever be allowed to be larger than St. Davids. The streets, filled with pilgrims, or visitors who just happened to be on holiday on the day of the devotions – folk dressed in historic costume – children parading with dragons and (later in the day) a band evoking a Mardi Gras procession in Louisiana – the Bishop, Dean and Mayor at the Market Cross addressing the citizens, as the breeze caught the large Red Dragon flag of Wales – everything felt right, in its place.

It is important to come away from a pilgrimage with that ‘God’s-in-His-heaven’ feeling.